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A. PAMPHLET 



CONTAINING THE 



FULL HISTORY OF THE CELEBRATION 



OP THE 



NmETY-NliNTH ANMVERSARY 



OF 



AMEEIOAN INDEPENDENCE 



IN ATLANTA, GA., JULY 4th, 1875. 



COMPILED FROM THE ATLANTA DAILY HERALD. 




ATLANTA, GA. : 
THE HERALD STEAM BOOK AND JOB PRINT. 






A 



PREFACE. 



. late celebration of the Fourth of 
.) lay, at Atlanta, excited a national in- 
terest. The number of letters from 
Georgia's most distinguished men, writ- 
ten in response to the Committee of In- 
vitation, and published day after day in 
the ATLANTA Herald, were copied far 
and \'ide, and variously commented 
upon. The speeches of Governor James 
M. Smith and the Hon. Alexander H. 
Stephens, the Centennial poem by Col. 
J. A. Stewart, the immense crowd, the 
hundreds of incidents, and the various 
ceremonies, furnished column after col- 
umn of interesting matter. For these 
letters, and the history of the day's cel- 
ebration, such continuous application 
has been made, that although several 
editions of the Herald containing them 
were struck off, the demand was not 
satisfied. Applications for the account 
of the proceedings pour in from all sec- 
tions of the State, and all States of the 
Union. To fill this demand, and an- 
swer these applications, is the object of 
this pamphlet. There will be found in 
its pages much to gratify the true lover 
of this Republic. For a decade previous 
to the present year, the 4th of July has 
commanded no attention from the 
masses, and nothing but sneers from 
the leaders. The Atlanta Herald, a 
Democratic paper always, but one 
thoroughly convinced that it was essen- 
tial to the prosperity of either section 
of this Union, and doubly so to the 
prosperity of the whole, that full and 
perfect amity should exist between 
them, and one that hoped that this 
amity would soon be established despite 
the politicians of North and South, at- 
tempted, in '73 and '74 to revive an in- 
terest in the 4th of July, and secure its 
hearty obsen^ance at the hands of Geor- 



gians. In both instances it failed, and 
encountered sharp criticism on all sides. 
Never, until the present, were the peo- 
ple ready for full reconciliation. But 
now they are ready. They have turned 
their backs upon the past, and the light 
of the future is breaking upon their 
resolute faces, upturned to meet it. 
They ask for nothing but justice and 
wisdom in the administration of the 
general government. They demand 
nothing but that the States shall be 
equal. These conditions being fulfilled, 
Georgia will yield to no State, North or 
South, in her love for the Union and 
her devotion to its flag. 

No better answer, it seems to us, could 
be found — no fuller answer desired, to 
the slanders which Radical politicians 
are daily heaping upon the South than 
the letters, speeches and incidents found 
in this little pamphlet. Thuse who 
know anything of the history of Geor- 
gia will see that her very best men, in- 
cluding all of her former Governors now 
living, her present Governor, her ex- 
Senators and her Senators, her Judges, 
her Congressmen, her State Senators 
and Representatives, have indorsed 
fully and heartily, in their letters, the 
celebration herein described, while the 
speech of Mr. Stephens, Vice-President 
of the Confederacy, is full of noble and 
patriotic sentiments. The names of 
those who opposed the spirit of the oc- 
casion may be counted on the fingers of 
the left hand. 

The pamphlet being issued to meet a 
temporary demand, has been hastily 
put together, and the publishers rely 
upon the nobility of the sentiment con- 
tained therein to atone for any awk- 
wardness of arrangement. 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



To the conservative wisdom and the 
patriotism of Dr. H. V. M. Miller, ex- 
United States Senator, and the energy 
of Major George Hillyer, Centennial 
Commissioner for Georgia, the success 
of the movement described in this 
pamphlet is due. With a rare sagacity 
they saw that the times were auspicious 
for such an attempt, and realizing the 
immense amount of good that might 
result from its accomplishment, they 
lent their aid to it, with what result 
may be seen below. 

THE FOURTH. 

How it is to he Celebrated. 

PFOgramme of the Ceremonies and 
Order of the Procession. 

[Atlanta Herald, June 11, 1875.] 
According to notice, a meeting was 
held at the Chamber of Commerce, on 
Wednesday, to arrange a programme 
for the celebration of the Fourth of July. 
It was decided that the address by 
Hon. Alexander H. Stephens should 
take place at the Opera House. 

COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS. 

A committee of thirteen, as a commit- 
tee of arrangements, was then appoint- 
ed, consisting of the following : 
Sidney Dell, Chairman, 
L. J. Gartrell, Evan P. Howell, 

A. H. Colquitt, B. F. Abbott, 
H. W. Grady, Henry Hillyer,^ 

Julius Brown, J. N. Dunn, 

W. J. Garrett, J. H. James, 

Wm. M. Lowery, E. Y. Clarke. 

Marshal of the Day — Col. O. H. Jones. 

( rator — Hon. Alex. H. Stephens. 

l;eader of the e laration of Inde- 



pendence of 1776— Capt. John MiJIedge. 
Reading of a poem by Colonef J. A. 
Stewart. 

ORDER OF PROCESSION. 

The Federal officers in the city are 
requested to join in the procession ; also 
to cause thirteen guns to be fired at 
dawn of day at the barracks, and thirty- 
eight at the conclusion of the ceremo- 
nies. 

The procession is to be formed in 
front of the State House, at 10 o'clock 

A.M. 

The column is to be headed by the 
Governor of the State and his secreta- 
ries, the Secretary of State, Treasurer, 
Comptroller-General and Mayor and 
General Council of Atlanta. 

Next, the Judges of the Supreme 
Court of the State, with their officers ; 
the Federal Court and their officers; 
the Circuit Court Judges of the State 
and their officers ; Senators and mem- 
bers of Congress, also ex-Senators and 
members and Ex-Governors; Federal 
military officers, according to rank and 
giade ; the Chaplain ; reader and speak- 
er of the day ; clergy of the city ; socie- 
ties, fire companies, etc.; the Board of 
Education, the officers, teachers and 
pupils of the public schools, followed 
by the citizens generally. 

The following persons were appointed 
as a committee of three to issue invita- 
tions : Dr. H. V. M. Miller, Major Geo. 
Hillyer and Colonel Marcus A. Bell. 

STAGE PROGRAMME. 

1. Prayer by Rev. H. T. Spalding. 

2. Reading the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence bv Captain John Milledge. 

3. Reading of an original poem by 
Colonel J. A. Stewart. 

4. The oration by Hon. Alexander H. 
Stephens. 

This will perhaps be the gandest 
fourth of| July celebration since the 
halcyon days of ante helium times. 



THE DAY INIATLANTA. 



THE COMING FOURTH. 

Hon. Alex. H. Stephens "Will" Ad- 
r dress the People of Atlanta. 

The following correspondence will ex- 
plain itself : 

Atlanta, Ga., June 5, 1875. 
Hon. A. H. Stephem: 

Dear Sir— The ensuing Fourth of July is near 
at hand,«nd Mr. Stewart, the bearer of this, has 
cousentea to prepare a centennial poem for that 
occasion. We desire, also, that you should ad- 
dress us on the Fourth, and hope you may find 
it in your power to do so. 

A favorable response by Mr. Stewart would be 
highly gratifying to your many friends. 

Yours very truly, 

A. H. Colquitt, J. F. Wright, 

H. V. M. Miller, Dr. V. M. Hodgson, 

I. W. Averv, J. E. Cox, 

Dr. J. M. Johnson, A. & S. Rosenfeld, 

O. A. Lochrane, John R. Kendrick, 

Sidney Dell, A. K. Seago, 

Evan P. Howell, J. H. Anderson, 

B.F.Abbott, Adair & Brother, 

W. J. Garrett,; Lemuel Dean, 

William M. Lowery, Stewart, Austin & Co.' 

J. N. Dunn, C. B. Line, 

H. W. Grady, A. J. Walters, 

Mark Johnson, T. H. Orme, 

E. Y. Clarke, Wm. W. Compton, 

Richard H. Clark, William McMillan, 

B. F. Sawyer, Joseph H. Smith. 
W. S. Walker, William H. Hulsey, 

C. (;. Hammock, George T. Fry, 
L. J. Gartrell, A. B. Calhoun, 
Henry Hillyer, E. F. Hoge, 
George Hillyer, James Banks, 

J. N. Mecaslin, Edward Hammond, 

H. T. Phillips, J. S. Collins, 

H. C. Glenn, H. T. Lewis, 

M. J. Ivy, W. M. Bray, 

Marshall J. Clarke, R. J. Cowart, 

W. B. Bas.s, J. C. Norris, 

D. A. Beatie, Reuben Arnold, 
W. D. Ellis, P. L. Mynatt, 
W. J. Heyward, E. N. Broyles, 

C. Peeples, T. P. Westmoreland, 

W. T. Newman, John T. Glenn, 

W. L. Calhoun, W. R. Hammond, 

N. J. Hammond, A. M. Perkerson, 

John T. Cooper, J. Robinson, 

Daniel Pittman, John Neal, 

Grant Wilkins, C. Herbst, 
Charles Whitehead, J. Herrick, 

W. J. Maeill, J. H. Seals, 

W. J. Pollard, William K. Boyd, 

J. W. Thomas, Henry D. Law, 

Hugh Lynch, J. W. Rucker, 

G. W. Adair, F. P. Rice, 

B. E. Crane, A. C. Wyly, 

J. R. Simmons, John T. McGuire, 

G. W. Anderson, S. M. Inman. 

Liberty Hall, 

Crawfoedville, Ga., June 7, 1875. 

Messrs. I. W. Avery, H. V. M. Miller, E. Y. Clarke, 

H. W. Grady, B. F. Saun/er, R. H. Clark, A. H. 

Colquitt, Sidney Dell, George Hillyer, and others : 

Gentlemen— Your kind and earnest letter of 

the 5th instant is before me. V» assui-ed of my 

appreciation of the sentiments expressed in con- 

uection with the object In view. All I can now say 



in reply is that, "Deo wienie," I will be with you 
on Monday, the 5th day of July, as the 4th comes 
on Sunday. In my present enfeebled physical 
condition, I cannot promise to make anything 
like a regular address, but 1 do ])romise at least 
the profound sympathy I have in the ceremonies 
and proceedings arranged for the occasion ; and 
I promise further, if able, to still more strongly 
manifest this sympathy by the utterance of such 
thoughts, however brief, pertinent to your most 
patriotic objects, as my strength will permit. 
Very truly, 

Alexander H. Stephens. 



THE GLORIOUS FOURTH. 

The Committee of Arrangements 
Meeting on Yesterday. 

[Atlanta Herald, June 16.] 

The Committee of Arrangements met 
at General Gartrell's office June 15th, 3 
p. M., B. F. Abbott appointed secretary. 

On motion, Sidney Dell and W. M. 
Lowery were appointed a committee to 
invite officers of the garrison, and re- 
quest them to tire guns as per published 
programme — thirteen guns at dawn of 
day and thirtj^-seven at the conclusion 
of the ceremonies. 

Captain Dell and Henrv Hillyer were 
authorized to select a reader of the Dec- 
laration of Independence. 

It was decided to hold the meeting at 
DeGive's Opera House, on Monday, the 
5th day of July. 

All societies in the city are invited to 
march in procession, and the chairman 
requested to notify them. 

Colonel William M. Lowery and J. N. 
Dunn were appointed to control the hall 
and assign seats to guests. 

E. P. Chamberlin and George T. Fry 
were appointed to fill vacancies found 
to be in the commitiee. 

STAGE PROGRAMME. 

1. Prayer by Mr. Spalding. 

2. Reading of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. 

3. Poem for the occasion by Colonel 
J. A. Stewart. 

4. Address by Hon. Alexander H. 
Stephens. 

During which there wiU be appropri- 
ate music. 

[Atlanta Herald, June 25.] 
Fourth of July. 

At a meeting of the committee in 
charge of the exercises on the coming 
Fourth, it was proposed to have the eel- 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



ebration at Ponce de Leon. After dis- 
cussion the proposition was voted down, 
and the place will be as heretofore 
stated, at DeGive's Opera House. 

Several were added to the financial 
committee. It now consists of Sidnev 
Dell, Esq., W. J. Garrett, E. P. Chani- 
berlin and B. F. Abbott, and the chair- 
snan was requested to ask the different 
railroads centering here to issue half 
tickets for the fourth of July occasion. 

George T. Fry was appointed musical 
director of the occasion, with E. Y. 
Clarke as his assistant. 



[Atlanta Herald, June is.] 
THE FOURTH OF JULY. 

Ten days ago a steamer, bearing a 
stranee company, on a strange mission, 
passed out of Charleston harbor. Out 
of Charleston harbor, across whose wa- 
ters the shot that woke a revolution in 
its track was fired, the Washington 
Light Infantry — a company of hotspurs, 
nurtured for nearly a century in the 
very centre-spot of ilisunion — look sail 
for Boston to fraternize there with the 
men of Massachusetts, and sound the 
glories of the reconciled Union in the 
shade of Bunker Hill. Many of them 
had not seen Boston since the day when 
their gashed and wouuded bodies were 
reluctantly spit out from the doors of 
Elmira prison. And yet with hearts 
full of manliness, and faces full of cheer, 
the brave fellows went out over the 
ocean to greet the men that, having 
been brave enough to confront on a 
hundred battle-fields, they were strong 
enough to forgive. We accept this out- 
going of the Carolinians as a new link 
in the chain of amity and love that is 
binding the sections of this Republic 
together once more. 

The good people of Atlanta propose to 
have a demonstration kindred in pur- 
pose and inspiration to this, in Atlanta, 
on the fourth of next July. We feel 
this occasion will prove that the popu- 
lar heart is right, and that as far as the 
South is concerned, the "war is ended." 
For years the Herald has been striving 
to restore "the old Fourth" to its home 
in the pride and afiections of our people. 
It rejoices us to see that a full fraterni- 
zation of the sections is eflfected at last, 
and that the Union, pinned together ten 
years ago with bayonets, is now cohe- 



sive of itself and in itself. Beyond a 
few politicians, a broad and profound 
peace breathes throughout the land. 
We do not blame disturbers, who berate 
the approaching- calm, and cry aloud for 
war and wrangling. Some convulsion 
of the waters is needed to toss them to 
the top. In a calm, their worthless and 
lumpy bodies drop out of sight.< All of 
the leaders that we have trustAi most 
implicitly, and that have led us most 
worthily, hope for a perfect amity, and 
a fully restored Union. On this one 
platform they all unite. Hill, Colquitt, 
Stephens, Miller, Gordon, Evans, Jen* 
kins, and all, sound "the piping notes," 
and proclaim good-will unto all sections. 
Even Gen. N. B. Forrest, the bloodiest 
tighter of the war, calls upon his people 
to join in the decoration of the Federal 
graves, and says: "It is our duty to 
honor the government they died for, 
and, if called upon, to fight for the flag 
we could not conquer." In Mobile the 
Cadets joined in the Federal decoration, 
preceded by a banner on which was 
written' " We honor the men who died 
in a cause they believed was right !" 

Why should not our "Fourth" be a 
soulful and sincere occasion of joy ? Is 
it not the birth-day of our country ; the 
country that our forefathers died to es- 
tablish, and that our children must live 
to perpifetuate? Did not we of the 
Soiith bear honorble part in that revo- 
lution, which fills the most lustrous 
pages of human history? Did we not 
furnish to that cause the Patrick Henry, 
who gave it birth and volume ; the Jef- 
ferson that gave it shape, and the Wash- 
ington that gave it victory ? Did we 
not contribute our full measure of valor, 
devotion and blood, to the audacious 
sacrifice ? Was there lacking anything 
in the conduct of the South, during 
those glorious days that should debar 
us our half the harvest, or that should 
bow our heads, when the Republic, 
clad in her holiday garments, stands up 
in the face of the nations and honors 
her natal day?" We pity the man 
whose heart does not thrill' with a na- 
tional pride, in this season of revived 
memories and of centennial rejoicings. 
We pity him whose pulse does not leap 
with pride and whose cheek does not 
burn with joy as the long years of a 
century are rolled back ; the lights re-lit 
upon Bunker's Hill; the glories of Con- 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



cord and Lexington revived : the bights 
of Ticonderoga scaled once more in the 
name of "God and the Continental 
Congress," and the fierce and ragged 
battle of Alamance fought over m song 
and story. This is a great coutnry of 
ours. A country full of resource; 
abounding in wealth— healthy, happy, 
and ample. Here liberty finds its 
broadest interpretation, and freedom 
finds a home. From ocean to ocean, 
and from the lakes to the gulf, it is a 
miracle of progress and prosperity. 
Every foot of its territory, and every 
generation of its people have gone into 
history. 

We want to see the old Fourth re- 
vived. Not revived as a mere form, but 
as an enthusiasm. Not written upon 
our doorposts, but imbedded in our 
hearts. We want to see it revived with 
all its delightful racket and effervescing 
oratorv— with all its merrily-mad slap, 
bang and crash. We want it to come 
with a tornado of impulse and overtake 
the people— to come with a swirl and a 
rush that will liftmen off their feet, and 
open their silent lips, and light up their 
eyes, and surcharge their veins, and 
brush out their wrinkles, and inspire 
them with the fervor of the good, brave 
days of old. 

And when it comes, we want to see 
our people meet it— not timidly and 
with lack-lustre countenances, but 
bravely, joyfully, with heads erect and 
with cheeks aflame, as men rejoicing in 
their own right, honoring their own 
memories, and proclaiming glory that is 
their own birthright and inheritance. 

[Atlanta Herald, June 19.] 

THE CENTENNIAL OF GEORGIA 

INDEPENDENCE. 

We did not know when we wrote an 
appeal in yesterday's paper for a proper 
observance of the next Fourth of July 
in Atlanta, that there was a special and 
weighty reason why the next Fourth 
should be honored by our people. We 
find, however, by a study of McCall's 
History — the only copy of which in ex- 
istence, probably, is in the hands of Dr. 
H. V. M. Miller— that the fourth of July 
1875 is just as much the centennial day 
of Georgia Independence as the fourth 
of July, 1876, is the centennial day of 
our National independence. 



On that day one hundred years ago, 
the firstiProvincial Congress of Georgia, 
organized in opposition to the Provin- 
cial Legislature, which was controlled 
by the British Governor, was assembled 
in Savannah. Its members met as the 
elected delegates of the people, and 
every parish was represented. With- 
out any loud declarations, they quietly 
took the government of the Province of 
Georgia in hand, withdrew it from the 
parent country, wrested it from the 
hands of the British Governor, and in a 
very few weeks drove him out of the 
Province. 

This Congress organized because, as 
was related in its resolutions, "our As- 
seiiibly is not permitted to sit, and we 
are a people without thought or coun- 
sel," just as positively defiedl-the tyran- 
ny of King George, and just as openly 
and actively put the Province in a state 
of armed resistance as the Continental 
Congress did bj'^ its formal declaration 
one year later. It met in disobedience 
to Governor Wriaht's wUl ; it openly 
disputed his authority ; it offered as- 
sistance to the men who were deputed 
to capture the powder schooner, (which 
must have been taken on the 10th of 
July, and not on the 10th of June, as 
our cotemporary, the Constitution, has 
it) and in fact did all that could be done 
to put the Province in actual resistance 
to the British government. 

Hence, the 4th of July has a meaning 
deeper and broader to us than what it 
acquires from being the day on which 
the National Declaration of Indepen- 
dence was declared. It is also the day 
on which the Provincial Congress, the 
first body of freemen ever elected by 
the people of Georgia assembled, elected 
its officers and began the struggle that 
eventuated in the liberty of America. 
The next "Fourth" should be es- 
pecially dear to all Georgians, because 
it is the Centennial of Georgia's . Inde- 
pendence. 



The following circular letter was ad- 
dressed to the Senators and ex-Senators, 
Congressmen and ex-Congressmen, Gov- 
ernor and ex-Governors, the Judiciary 
and the Legislative Committee on the 
State of the Republic : 

We, the undersigned, committee, in 
behalf of the citizens of Atlanta, res- 
pectfully invite you to participate in 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



person or by letter in celebrating the 
ninetj'-ninth anniversary of American 
Indeiientlence. 

Very respectfully, 

H. V. M. MiiXER, 
George Hillyer, 
Marcus A. Bell, 

('ommittee. 

To this there were numerous re- 
sponses, which we publish in this pam- 
phlet. The manuscript of some of them 
were lost, howev^er, before the design 
of making this pamphlet was enter- 
tained. 

THE COMING " FOURTH." 

Congressman Felton "Writes a Letter 

to the Committee Favoring 

tlic Celebration. 

A Stirring Letter Based on the Right 
Principle. 

We have been permitted to publish 
the following letter : 

Near Cartersville, .Tune 14, 1875. 
To Messrs. H. V. M. Miller, George Hill- 
yer and Marcus A. Bell, Committee : 
Gentlemen — I received your invita- 
tion to co-operate with the citizens of 
Atlanta in celebrating the approaching 
anniversary of American Independence. 
I regret that previous engagements 
will prevent my acceptance, for I would 
like to witness the interesting ceremo- 
nies of the occasion, and would also be 
delighted to hear the address of Geor- 
gia's distinguished statesman, the Hon. 
A. H. Stephens. 

I congratulate the people of Atlanta 
upon the wisdom and patriotism em- 
bodied in the renewal of this old-fash- 
ioned 4th of July celebration. 

The observance of this day should 
never have been abandoned by the 
South, for all tiiat is implied by the "4th 
of July" was the design of Southern 
brains and the achievement of South- 
ern arms. 

Blot out the record of Virginia, and 
there would be little left to distinguish 
this day from any other day in Ameri- 
can history. 

It was eminently the work of Vir- 
ginia, from the time one of her sons, re- 
cited on paper the wrongs and oppres- 
sions of the colonies, and declared that 
'•these United States are, and of rieht 

2 



ought tc be, free and independent 
States," until another of her sons per- 
fected that declaration by receiving the 
sword of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown. 

Georgia must cease to honor the "Old 
Dominion" when she fails to cherish a 
patriotic remembrance of this day. 

It is a day that we can consistently 
observe — for the South has never been 
untrue to the principles of self-govern- 
ment enunciated in that Declaration. 
As a section it has never sought to in- 
terfere with the constitutional rights 
and privileges of other sections, or to 
restrict the "pursuit of happiness," as 
an "inalienable" endowment by their 
Creator. 

But especially should we observe this 
day, because it is a legacy equally dear 
to all of the American States. Meck- 
lenburg and Philadelphia, with their 
declarations ; Lexington and King's 
Mountain, with their heroic resistance, 
are common and joint estates, in the 
enjoyment of which the legatees can 
forgive and forget the contentions of the 
past — uniting heart and hand to btiild 
up and perpetuate the common patri- 
mony. 

Let this day be our political Mizpah — 
a witness between the North and South 
that we will not "pass over to each 
other for harm" — a memorial of perfect 
amnesty— a day of national rejoicing, 
unclouded by civil struggles or fratri- 
cidal strife. 

Very respectfully yours, 

Wm. H. Felton. 



THE FOURTH OF JULY. 

"What Hon. Henry "W. Hilliard says 

about our National Day-- 

A Good Letter. 

We are permitted to publish the fol- 
lowing from the Committee on Invita- 
tion to our next Fourth of July celebra- 
tion : 

Atlanta, Ga., June 16, 1875. 

Gentlemen — I have the honor to ac- 
knowledge the receipt of your letter in- 
viting me to co-operate with the citizens 
of Atlanta in (celebrating the 99th anni- 
versary of American Independence. 

Heartily approving the object that 
you have in view, I shall be happy to 
contribute in any degree to aid you_ in 
re-kindling the patriotic ardor with 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



the great principles of free government, 
without any sense of humiliation or 
feeling of resentment. We stand where 
we can survey both the past and the 
future. We can at once honor the 
brave men who died in defense of these 
principles, and show our regard for the 
government of our country; and Ave 
propose to meet on the anniversary of 
American independence to re-aflirm our 
regard for the political truths embodied 
in the declaration made on that day. 
and which ought still to be dear to 
every American heart. Let us cherish 
a patriotic, national spirit that rejoices 
over the recollections of that glorious 
revolution which delivered the colonies 
from the rule of a monarch beyond the 
seas, and that looks forward with un- 
failing hope to the full triumph of the 
principles that animated the men of that 
time in their heroic struggle for liberty. 
The celebi'atiou that you propose, gen- 
tlemen, will prepare us for that grand 
national tribute which is to greet the 
one hundredth anniversary of Ameri- 
can Independence. 

For my own part, I beg to say, in 
conclusion, what I think we ought all 
to say : The government of the United 
States is our government ; its flag is our 
flag ; its Constitution is our Constitu- 
tion ; let us be true to them all, now 
and forever. 

I have the honor to be, vary respect- 
fully, your obedient servant, 

Henry W. Hilliakd. 
To Messrs. H. V. M. Miller, George 

Hillyer, Marcus A. Bell, Committee, 

Atlanta, Georgia. 



THE FOURTH AGAIN. 

A Remarkable Letter from the Hon. 

Junius Hillyer~He don't 

believe in the Fourth. 

We are permitted to publish the fol- 
lowing letter in response to the "Invi- 
tation Committee" of the Fourth of 
July Celebration : 

Atlanta, Ga., June 19, 1875. 
Messrs. H. V. M. Miller, George Hillyer, 

Mareus A. Bell, Committee : 

I received your letter inviting me to 
be present and participate in the public 
celebration, in Atlanta, on the 99th an- 
niversary of American Independence. 



No man would excel me in enthu- 
siastic extiltation at the commencement 
of the hundredth year of our govern- 
ment as our fathers gave it to us, with 
our State rights and our normal-glori- 
ous institution of slavery, with its clear 
social distinctions of race and color, 
under the absolute control of the several 
States. ■ 

But there is something mournfully 
sad in being summoned to celebrate the 
ninety- ninth anniversary of a country 
rent and lacerated by civil war, culmi- 
nating in the destruction of private 
l^roperty unprecedented in the history 
of the civilized world. In my heart I 
feel that the existebce of the govern- 
ment which dawned on the memorable 
4th of July, 1776, perished in 1861, and 
this is the fourteenth year of the pres- 
ent government. I can't perceive how 
any Southern man can, with patriotic 
pleasure, participate in the celebration 
of the anniversary of a government that 
has long ceased to exist. 

Yet out of respect for those many 
friends in whose judgment I have con- 
fidence, I purpose to be with you on 
the next fourth of July, and to partici- 
pate in the ceremonies of that occasion, 
not as the anniversary of my country, 
(for a government of force can never be 
my country,) butinsad remembrance of 
my ancestors, and of a day and a sig- 
nificance that is gone forever. 

I feel honored, and am grateful to you 
for remembering me, and for your in- 
vitation to be with you on the occasion 
referred to. ' ' 

Very respectfully, 

Junius Hillvee. 

JUDGE HILLYER AND HIS LETTER 

We publish elsewhere a remarkable 
letter from the Hon. Junius Hillyer, on 
the subject of the fourth of July. 

We publish the letter because of our 
high respect for Judge Hillyer, and be- 
cause it represents a sentinaent that \ve 
must defer to, while we condemn it. 
Judge Hillyer has probably been in more 
complete seclusion since the war than 
any of our public men. A Congress- 
man of note for many years, he has, 
since the war, not only foresworn the 
political arena, but has" also given up a 
law practice that was good enough to 
give him a handsome competency in his 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



retirement. Sitting quietly in the 
bosom of a family that yielded cheerful 
and thorough reverence, not only to his 
wishes, but to his opinions, he has cher- 
ished, in no malignancy, and hardly 
dogmatically, the maxims and preju- 
dices that he had defended in his young- 
er days. There is no venom in his letter, 
• ■ ■; there is none in his life. He signifies 
'dy — if we judge him aright — that he 
ill stands by the old doctrine of slavery 
nd secession, and that if any man — 
vvith no restrictions as to Aveight or 
calibre — desires to discuss the question 
with him over a couple of pipes and a 
,!ass of home-made wine, he is ready 
.:nd anxious for the tilt. If he thought 
that his views, so tenaciously adhered 
to, would check for an instant the pro- 
gress this countiw is making towards 
full and perfect amity, and toward con- 
sequent power and prosperity, he would 
never have given them to the puljlic. 
His sons, all of them, with a rare com- 
mon sense that comes as a natural in- 
heritance, have accei>ted the situation, 
and are active agents in the good work 
of "bridging the chasm." One of his 
sons. Major George Hilly er, in whose 
opinion the Judge has more confidence 
than in the opinion of any other living 
man, save his own, is the centennial 
commissioner for Georgia, and one of 
the committee that solicits his participa- 
tion in the enjoyment of the "Fourth." 
We shall look for Judge Hillyer on 
that auspicious day with care. We 
shall see that he has a front seat, and is 
just abaft the speakers. We shall see 
that the full inspiration of the occasion 
is turned upon him, and that he is i3.ut 
where the flood of peace, joy and sun- 
shine shall break full in his" face. He 
is a rare and loyal old veteran, wdth a 
white soul and a clean escutcheon. We 
love him, and we fain would reform him. 



[Atlanta Herald, Juae 29.] 
THE HON- JOHN A. CUTHBERT. 

We publish this morning a letter in 
response to the Committee of Invitation 
on the fourth of July celebration in At- 
lanta, from Hon. John A. Cuthbert, of 
Mobile, but formerly of Georgia. 
_ Mr. Cuthbert is probably the oldest 
living Congressman — certainly one of 
the verv oldest. He must be' near on 



to ninety years of age, having been 
elected to Congress from Georgia in 
1817, and being at that time not less 
than thirty years of age. He represent- 
ed Georgia in Congress in the days of 
the Missouri Compromise, his col- 
leagues being Thomas W. Cobb, William 
Terrell and R. R. Reid, in the House, 
and Mr. Walker and Stephen Elliott 
in the Senate. All of these are dead, 
and Mr. Cuthbert alone remains. He 
was born with the republic, and grew 
with it. No wonder that he loves its 
old memories and its old glories. A 
child of the Revolution himself, he re- 
joices in the revival of its illustrious 
names and historic actions. 

We are glad to know that the old 
veteran, after a troubled and stormj^ 
existence, has acquired a respectable 
competency, and that the evening of 
his life promises to be quiet and happy. 
We should be pleased to see him here 
on the fourth. Atlanta would delight 
to honor him with a front seat on that 
day. 



THE BLESSED FOURTH. 

What the Oldest Living Cougress- 
xaau has to say ahout it. 

We publish the following letter by 
permission of the Committee of Invita- 
tion : 

Mobile, Ala., June 25, 1875. 
To H. V. M. Miller, George Hillyer and 

Marcus A. Bell, Esqs., Committee : 

Gentlemen: I have received your 
communication of the 11th instant, in- 
viting me, in behalf of the citizens of 
Atlanta, to co-operate with them in cel- 
ebratmg the ninety-ninth anniversary 
of American Independence. Other en- 
gagements forbid my meeting in person 
at this hour, the citizens of Atlanta, in 
commemorating the Independence of 
our coinmon country ; but I receive 
with pleasure this invitation to com- 
mune, at this interesting era, with the 
citizens of the great State that gave me 
birth and fostered my youth, honored 
me with her confidence more than half 
a century ago, and which still holds, un- 
abated, my grateful affection. 

Having re-established the liberty of 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



I 



your State, you now, again, perform the 
plfeasant duty of cele))rating the achieve- 
ments of those brave men who staked 
their hves, their fortunes and their 
sacred honor, on the l)old resohition to 
establish the incU^pendence of their 
country. In rendering to their memory 
this grateful tribute, you were walking 
in the footsteps of the classic republics 
of ancient Greece. At Athens, Pericles, 
or some other eminent statesman, was 
annually chosen to celebrate the anni- 
versary of those brave men who, at 
Marathon, checked the multitudinous 
invasion of Persian armies, gloriously 
maintaining the Independence of 
Greece. 

While Georgians recall, with triumph- 
ant pride, the memorv of their brave 
forefathers, they may feel a chastened 
pleasure in the consciousness that they 
have not detracted from the gallantry 
and patriotism of their ancestors. 
With high regard, 

John A. Cuthbert, 



[Atlanta Herald, June 27.] 
We publish this morning a capital 
letter from ex-Governor Herschel V. 
Johnson, on the subject of celebrating 
the fourth of July in Atlanta. His let- 
ter is just such a true and manly one as 
we should have expected from this old 
Roman. 



THE FOURTH OF JULY- 

"What ex-Gov. Herschel V. John- 
son has to say aboiit it. 

We continue this morning our jnibli- 
cation of the letters received by the 
Committee in response to their invita- 
tions. Ex-Governor Johnson has the 
floor to-day : 

Atlanta, Ga., June 26, 1875. 

Dear Sirs : Yours of the 11th insta,nt, 
inviting me, in behalf of the citizens of 
Atlanta, to co-operate with them on the 
fourth of July in celebrating the ninety- 
ninth anniversary of American inde- 
pendence, was duly received. I beg to 
tender my sincere thanks for the 
courtesy thus extended to me. I ac- 
cept the invitation, and hope to be able 
to attend. 

I have regretted that the custom of 
observing this anniversary has fallen 



into almost entire disuse. I am glad to 
see indications — ^of which your proposed 
celebration is, perhaps, the most strik- 
ing and noteworthy — of a disposition in 
the public mind to return to it. And 
why not? If the principles announced 
in the Declaration of Independence were 
ever worthj^ to be cherished, they still 
are. They have not changed. They 
remain, and must ever remain, the only 
solid foundation of popular liberty. 
They may be ignored by party, madden- 
ed with dominion, or forgotten [in the 
stagnant inertia of a people paralyzed 
by the despondency which that domin- 
ion imposes, but thev are as vital now 
as when thej^ were proclaimed on the 
fourth of July, 1776, or as when they 
were christened by the baptism of blood 
on the battle-fields of the Revolution, 
or as when the}^ were chrystalized in 
1787 into the form of constitutional gOA'- 
ernment. In the spirit that animated 
our forefathers in 1776, let us renew oiir 
devotion to them, and for their mainten- 
ance pledge our lives, our fortunes and 
sacred honor. 

If I am not mistaken, the celebration 
you propose has an important and in- 
teresting significance. It is intended as 
a manifestation of the desire of the peo- 
ple of Georgia, that the bitterness be- 
tween the sections engendered by the 
late ci v'il war, shall cease. This is right. 
Let the assurance go out from the capi- 
tal of the State, that she is ready and 
willing to extend friendly greeting to 
the people of every section, who agree 
to stand by the great principles of pub- 
lic liberty and maintain the Federal 
Union of States based upon them, as 
they are defined in the Constitution. 

This is the only reconciliation between 
the sections that can be of permanent 
value. It means more than simply 
making friends with each other, or the 
cessation of overt exhibitions of ani- 
mosity. It means more than the ad- 
justment of party differences in politics, 
which look mainly to triumph in a 
Presidential election and the conse- 
quent control of the power and patron- 
age of government. Such a reconcilia- 
tion is superficial and falls far below the 
requirements of an exalted patriotism 
or the comprehensive and far-reaching 
policies of a wise statesmanship. The 
harmony to which I allude is that which 
will result from a conscientious recog- 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



nition of- the principles of our common 
constitution and a return to tlie ad- 
ministration of our government in all 
its departments, according to its letter 
and spirit. This, and this only, can se- 
cure lasting fraternit}^ and mutual con- 
fidence between the States and the vari- 
ous sections of our country. For it will 
reassert State equality, the right of local 
State government, and even-handed jus- 
tice in the distribution of both the bur- 
dens and blessings of the Federal ad- 
ministration. This is the harmony for 
which I plead. It is the true spirit and 
genius of our system of Confederate 
government. Without it, we shall have, 
not the union of States, but the unity of 
empire, consolidated and upheld by 
military j)ower — the stagnant peace of 
despotism. 

It may be that I cannot co-operate 
personally with the citizens of Atlanta 
in their proposed (celebration. If not, 
then these hasty reflections must be my 
representative. 

Kenewing my thanks for your courte- 
sy, I am, gentlemen, your obedient ser- 
vant and fellow-citizen, 

Herschel V. Johnson. 



THE BLESSED FOURTH. 

A Couple of Good Letters on tlie 
"Prevailing" Subject. 

We publish this morning two letters 
to the committee on the "fourth." They 
have the ring of the true metal about 
them. Judge Jackson's is one of the 
best letters that we have yet published. 

FROM JUDGE JAMES JACKSON. 

"where mv heart beats, precisely 

there does my judgment point 

and my common sense 

LEAD ME." 

Macon, Ga., June 28, 1875. 
To Hons.H. V. M. Miller, George Hilly er 

and Marcus A Bell : 

Gentlemen : I have received your in- 
vitation to participate in person or by 
letter hi the celebration of the approach- 
ing fourth of July, at Atlanta, for which 
I thank you. I cannot attend in per- 
son, and therefore I ask that this letter 
shall represent me. | 



I am at a loss to find any sensible 
reason for Southern men to decline to 
participate in the celebration of the day. 
The pen of a Southern man wrote tlie 
Declaration of Independence. I see 
from the papers that the lineal descen- 
dant of a Georgian, who bore a distin- 
guished part in the struggle of our an- 
cestors to establish this independence, 
has been selected to read that declara- 
tion on the occasion of your celebration. 
Why should he not do so? Shall we 
not love the virtues and commemorate 
the deeds of our own ancestors ; or shall 
we leave it to the North alone to canon- 
ize deeds whose glory appertains as 
much to us as to them— aye, more to us 
than to them ? Not only did our Jeffer- 
son write the declaration, but our Wash- 
ington led the armies which vindicated 
and established it on seven years of 
battle-fields, and whatever Northern 
men may have done since, to overthrow 
principles which their fathers followed 
Jefferson and Washington to proclaim 
and establish, we certainly have done 
nothing to overthrow those principles. 
On the contrary, we again proclaimed 
them in 1861, and fought for their main- 
tenance for four bloody years. If in so 
doing we were rebels, we came honestly 
by the name ; we were legitimate rebels, 
begotten and born in lawful wedlock, 
and we are entitled to inherit the glory 
as well as the name of our fathers, and 
to keep it alive in toast, song, oratory, 
festivities. Our fathers succeeded ; we 
failed; in every other particular, the 
child is the image of his father. Be- 
cause of chagrin at our failure, shall we 
refuse to laud their prowess and glory in 
their success? I trust not, gentlemen. 
I cannot find it in my heart to tear rev- 
olutionary heartstrings out, and empty 
it of the blood of my fathers. 

And where my heart beats, precisely 
there does my. judgment point and my 
common sense lead me. It is not wise 
in the South to keep open the chasm the 
late war has riven. Recent events show 
a disposition on the part, of the North to 
close it up. We cannot aflbrd ruthless- 
ly to throw down the abutment of the 
bridge which rests on our side of the 
chasm, nor should we undermine it, nor 
weaken those on the other side who are 
at work in strengthening the abutment 
there. 

Our only hope for a return of those in * 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



authority to conservative principle and 
practice isin the "second sober thought" 
of all the pe()y)le, exercised through the 
ballot box. Every word spoken, or let- 
ter written, rejecting or insulting tlie 
proffered hand of Northern conciHation, 
is not "a word spoken in season," and 
it can not be said of it, "how good it is." 
It evin(!es a sour, unforgiving, revenge- 
ful spirit; and every such word or let- 
ter will be scattered broadcast over the 
North, and will have there the effect of 
crippling all the friends of conservative 
principles and of conciliatory and 
friendly conduct to us. 

For myself, gentlemen, I hail with 
sincere pleasure every promise of con- 
ciliation. The storm was wild and furi- 
ous — a very cyclone in its sweep over 
Southern hearthstones and happiness ; 
the clouds, though broken and scattered, 
are still black and may gather again ; 
however indistinct the hues of the rain- 
bow, are promising sunshine to our once 
sunny' South, it is a bow of promise 
sweet to my heart and hope, and I pray 
that it may span the whole American 
heavens, and never be obscured by a 
cloud or si^eck of war again. 

I trust that the Mechlenburg and 
Concord and Bunker Hill re-unions, 
and your own celebration of the fourth 
of July, gentlemen, may tend to re- 
unite all sections of our country upon 
the old principles founded on the Dec- 
laration of 76, and the constitution of 
the fatliers — and if toasts shall be the 
order of the day, I send you this : The 
reader of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence — It is lit that the son should 
unite in celebrating the deeds of his an- 
cestors ; may the Milledge blood never 
become extinct in Georgia. 

I am, respectfully, your obedient ser- 
vant, James Jackson. 



Stephens will deliver an oration, is duly 
received. 

My old friend Stewart did formerly 
abide in one of the plains at the foot of 
one of the hills of "the eternal city." 
He did then sometimes read us an ode — 
sometimes he made us a speech, some- 
times on literature, sometimes on 
science, and anon on art ; sometimes he 
gave us a "whale of a speech" on poli- 
tics that made the waters seethe. He 
kept things lively "on the banks of the 
Tiber." I always heard him with pleas- 
ure. I doubt not I should again. 

Unless something occurs more than 
at present anticij^ated, I will "congre- 
gate with the wise, the happy and the 
beautiful of the land to hear the spirit- 
kindling anthems which will linger 
along the walls of your sacred tample 
on the Sabbath day of freedom," and the 
eloquence of the Union's great states- 
man and gifted orator. Mr. Stephens 
is the "last of the Mohicans." Like 
Socrates, he has lived too long. His 
virtues have become offensive to his 
countrymen. 

You say nothing about the "barbe- 
cue ;" but from my knowledge of both 
the habits and taste of the committee, 
abundant provisions will be made for 
the flesh. 

As I shall bring alone with me botn 
the proprietor and editor of the Courier, 
I hope there will be no "restriction" 
upon your celebration of the fourth. 
Very respectfully, 

Augustus E. Wright. 



THE BLESSED FOURTH. 

WHAT THOMAS HARDEMAN, JR., HAS TO SAY 
ON THE SUBJECT. 



FROM JUDGE A. R. 'WRIGHT. 

HE WILL COME TO HEAR THE SPIRIT-KIND- 
LING ANTHEMS, AND THE "lAST 
OF THE JitOHICANS."! 

EoME, Ga., June 23, 1875. 
Dr. II. V. M. Miller and others, Commit- 
tee, etc.: 

Gents : Your letter of invitation to a 
celebration of the fourth of July next, 
in Atlanta, at which Col. J. A. Stewart 
will read a poem, and the Hon. A. H. 



The committee gives us the following 
letters : 

Macon, June 28, 1875. 
Messrs. H. V. M. Miller, George Hillyer 

and Marcus A. Bell : 

Gentlemen : Your notice, inviting me 
to co-operate with you, eithei' in person 
or by letter, in celebrating the ninety- 
ninth anniversary of American Inde- 
pendence, requires an acknowledgment 
and a reply. Other engagements will 
prevent my presence among you, while 
celebrating the daj-^ that proclaimed to 
the world the birth of American inde- 



THE DAY IX ATLANTA. 



pendence and constitutional govern- 
ment. The causes which impelled our 
patriot fathers to revolution, belong to 
the history of the past. The gi-and re- 
sults of that revolution must be written 
upon the page of the future ; suffice it 
for the occasion to saj^ that their con- 
duct only proclaimed what has since 
been demonstrated in the history of na- 
tions, that unless governments are 
founded upon the consent of the gov- 
erned, and are supported by the good 
will of both rulers and ruled, they will 
totter to their fall, or be the fruitful 
source of strife and revolution. The 
struggle through which we have just 
passed, though disastrous to us, may yet 
be ^1 instructive lesson to our con- 
querors, teaching them that the en- 
croachments of liberty and power inev- 
itably result in revolt and revolution. 
Injustice can never be expedient, op- 
pression can never be justified. Vn- 
friendly interference with reserved 
rights, if not "co.su.s belli" is at least the 
prolific cause of disloyalty and hate. 
Important truths are often gathered 
from the teachings of adversity, and we, 
too, might learn wisdom from our losses 
and misfortunes. Forbearance and mod- 
eration should be eucouraged and ap- 
plauded ; and in this day of "discord- 
ant elements and sectional resent- 
ments," we should see to it that no 
breach of constitutional duty, no unjust 
demands based upon abstract questions 
and dead issues, should be charged 
against us by those with whom we are 
associated in government, in interest 
and in destiny. If these are the lessons 
learned by the different sections of the 
Union, some good will result from the 
unfortunate "war between the iStates." 
The storm was sweeping and destruc- 
tive, but it is the patriot's hope that it 
has purified the political atmosphere, 
and will be succeeeded by the sunshine 
of perpetual peace. It is true some 
clouds are yet lowering in the horizon, 
but they are gradually liftiug, and I 
hope the day is not far distant when 
the whole heavens A\'ill glow with the 
sunlight of millenial illumination. Evi- 
dences of a return of better feelings and 
a forgetfulness of past resentments are 
accumulating and encoui'aging. The 
North unites with the Old North State 
in celebrating the Mechlenburg Declar- 
ation of Independence, while the citi- 



zen soldiery of South Carolina and Vir- 
ginia call their muster-rolls at the base 
of Bunker Hill — while Boston and 
Charleston shake hands in friendly 
greeting and celebrate together the glo- 
rious deeds of the patriotic fathers of 
the revolution. Encouraged by these 
demonstrations, and prompted by a sin- 
cere desire to rebuild the broken for- 
tunes of the States, by a restoration of 
order, peace and fraternal relations, and 
fervently praying that the day has come 
"when the sword shall be beaten into 
the ploughshare and the si)ear into the 
pruning hook," it is meet and proper 
that the citizens of one of "the old thir- 
teen colonies" should assemble at the 
capital of their State to coannemorate 
their nation's birth and to unite their 
prayers wiih those that will ascend from 
the patriotic hearts in every section of 
our Union ; that love of countrj' may 
be intensified ; the principles of liberty 
more deeply rooted ; the constitution of 
the fathers, as interpreted by them, sa- 
credly maintained, and the union of the 
States cemented by affection, not force — 
by interest, notfpower — be forever pre- 
served as a blessing for ourselves and 
our posterity. Sincerely desiring a re- 
turn of peace and quiet to our whole 
country, and a restoration of harmony 
among the States of this Union, and 
thanking you, gentlemen, for your in- 
vitation to participate with you in the 
celebration of your country's iudepen-' 
deuce, I am, sirs, with sincere regard, 
your obedient servant, 

Thomas Hakdeman, Jr. 

A CODD LETTER FROM HON. T. 
M. NORWOOD. 

Savannah, Ga., June 28, 1S75. 

Ct£nts : Your invitation to me to join 
with the citizens of Atlanta in celebra- 
ting the ninety-ninth anniversary of the 
Declaration of xVmerican Independence, 
in July next, has been received. 

I regret to say that engagements 
which I can neither break nor defer, 
will deprive me of the pleasure of be- 
ing with 3'ou. 

I do not desire or intend to inflict on 
you a lengthy communication, but I beg 
to express my regi-et, arising from a 
knowledge of the desire on the part of 
some good citizens of Georgia, to have 
us abandon the custom of celebrating 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



that day. If our liberties have not been 

lost, it is eminently proper to keep alive 
all the memories of events and acts by 
which they were established. If our 
liberties have been lost, we, as Geor- 
gians, have the proud consciousness 
that the sin lies n(jt at our door, or the 
door of the South, and that they must 
be restored, if ever, by the South, be- 
cause a people who voluntarily destroy 
their constitutional liberty and enslave 
themselves, can never recover that 
heritas^e. If it has been lost, and as it 
is worthy of every sacrifice to be re- 
gained, every patriot should labor for 
its redemption. And one of the means 
appointed is to revive in the hearts of 
all Americans the love of freedom, by 
bringing before them the heroism of 
our Revolutionary fathers, that their 
sons may catch their glowing inspira- 
tion. To this end, no dtjy can equal 
the fourth of July. 

With the expression of my thanks for 
your invitation, I remain your obedient 
servant and fellow-citizen, 

T. M. Norwood. 



f.\tlaiita Herald, June 30.] 
OUR NATIONAL DAY. 

When the Herald first began its out- 
spoken plea for the restoration of the 
fourth of July to its proper place in the 
hearts of our people, an editor in this 
city remarked to one of its staff: "You 
are perfectly right, but you are doing a 
dangerous thing, for you are fighting a 
deep-seated prejudice of the people." 
We thought then that our confrere was 
wrong in his estimate and, that he had 
misjudged the popular feeling. Late 
events have proved that this was so. 
Our most trusted leaders, our most 
thoroughly Southern men, our hardest 
fighters, with a wonderful unanimity, 
have responded to the invitation of the 
committee, indorsing the spirit of the 
invitation and the occasion that invoked 
it. From all (juarters the edi*^or has 
received letters assuring him that the 
people are tired of division, and section- 
alism, and wrangling, and ready for a 
full and perfect reconciliation. There 
will be an immense outpouring of the 
people on that day. We notify the 
Committee of Arrangements now that 
Atlanta will be crowded with strangers, 
and that everv train that comes to the 



city on the fifth will come loaded with 

visitors. Let them see to it that the 
programme is arranged judiciously, and 
that all of our guests shall find means 
to participate in the festivities of the 
day. Our city must don her holiday 
clothes on that auspicious morning. She 
must meet her guests bravely and hos- 
pitably, and press upon them the hon- 
ors of the occasion. 

The letters that we publish this morn- 
ing are valuable ones. Judge James 
Jackson writes an admirable paper. It 
glows with the utterances of a patriotic 
soul. There is un purer laan in Geor- 
gia's history than Judge James Jack- 
son, and he never penned a nobler 
sentence than the one in which he says, 
with all the years of learning at nis 
fingers' ends: "Where my heart beats, 
there i y judgment points, and there 
my common sense leads me." 

Judge AV right sends us a queer letter. 
Barring the fact that he says he will be 
present, we have no means of knowing 
Avhether he indorses the call or not. 
He certainly indorses Col. Stewart, and 
a man can't well indorse Col. Stewart 
without indorsing the Fourth. Judge 
Wright displays some anxiety in regard 
to the i^hysical refreshments of the oc- 
casion. We desire to say that Ave are 
in favor of allowing every man the 
fullest latitude in this respect, ana 
hence think it best for each visitor to 
bring his own " snack." If Judge 
AVright will come, however, we will 
give him a snug bed, a plentiful i3ro ven- 
der, and occasional admission to a coun- 
terpart of that little brown jug from 
which we have so often drawn inspira- 
tion in the Judge's hospitable mansion. 
And we shall esteem ourselves fully re- 
paid by the jjride we shall have when the 
hoarse-voiced multitude shall gather 
around the hustings, of presenting, as 
our guest, the brightest and most en- 
tertaining thirty-minute man that ever 
mounted a stump or trod a platform. 



[Atlanta Herald, July 1.] 
THE FOURTH IN ATLANTA. 

THE TROGRAMME OF THE EXERCISES. 

To THE Editor of the Herald : 

For the information of the public I 

give you the following facts : 

All the railroads have agreed to 



TIIK DAY IN" ATLANTA. 



charge half fare for our fourth of July 
celebration. Special trains will be run 
on the Air-Line, West Point and Macon 
roads. On the State road a train will 
arrive here at 9:o0 a. m., and one at 12 
M. On the Georgia road the regular 
train will come in at tj:30 a. m., and the 
accommodation train at 9:30 a. m., from 
Covington, Avith an extra car or cars. 
A train will also arrive on this road at 

11 A. M. 

The following circular letter, address- 
ed to the various })arties cuncenied, 
shows the order of the procession : 

We, ihe undersigned, Committee of 
Arrangement, have tlie honor to retiuest 
you to participate with us in the ap- 
proaching fourth of July celebration, 
and join in the procession. 

The processsion will be symbolically 
divided into thirteen sections, in respect 
to the number of the original States, as 
follows : 

1. The Groxernor of the State and his 
Secretaries, and all the State House offi- 
cers. 

2. The Judges of the Supreme Court 
of the State, with their officers. 

o. The Federal Court Judges, with 
their ofhcers. 

4. Superior C-ourt Judges of the State ■ 
and their officers. 

o. Senators and members of Congi-ess; 
ex-Senators and members, and ex-Gov- : 
ernors. 

6. Federal military officers, accoiding : 
to rank and grade. 

7. Mayor and General Council of At- I 
lanta and their othcers, and the Police 
Commissioners. i 

5. Chaplain, Reader, Poet and Speak- • 
er of the day. 

9. Clergy of the city. 

10. Atlanta Volunteer Companies. 

11. Fire companies. , 

12. Societies. 

13. Teachers and pupils of the Public i 
Schools, at the head of the column of | 
citizens. j 

Very respectfully, j 

Sidney Dell, Chairman, 
L. J. Gartrell, H. W. Grady, 

Alfred H. Colquitt, W. J. Garrett, 
George T. Fry, J.X.Dunn, ' 

B. F. Abbott, J. H. James, i 

Henry Hillyer, W. M. Lowery, 
E. P. Chamberlin, E.Y.Clarke," [ 

Committee of Thirteen, t 

3 



j The procession forms at 10 o'clock .\. 

j M., in front of the capitol building. 

! Captain 0. H. Jones is Marshal of the 

' day, witli such deputies as he may aj)- 
point. The line of march will be along 
Marietta, Broad, Mitchell and White- 
hall streets to Marietta again, thence to 

; DeGive's. 

j As soon as 1 get in all the responses, 

; I will hand you a list of the persons, 
societies and orders agreeing to join in 
the procession. 

j Please i)ublish this, as there is much 
interest in the public mind to get cer- 
tain information on the subject. 
Respectfully, 
Sidney Dei.l, Chairman. 

: 'lAlhimii IK'i'uld, June 2i;.i 

THE COMING FOURTH OF JULY. 

j We publish two letters this morning 
i on the approaching fourth of July cele- 
: bration in Atlanta. 

i Gen. Rob't Toombs writes that he is 

; not yet ready to shake hands aci'oss the 

j chasm. Hen. Toombs is the most fa- 

I mous of that class of men in the South 

— now small and daily decreasing — who 

i actually refn.se any com j)anionship with 

Northern men, and have so adjusted 

their optical organs that they cannot 

see across the line ui Dixie. 

We share Mr. Tooni))s' regrets at the 
unfortunate termination of tlie late wai'. 
We join him in his contempt for the 
miserable make-shift legislation that we 
have had since the war. We have ad- 
mired and indorsed his terribly elo- 
(|uent denunciations of the oj)pressive 
enactaients that, born in malice and 
enforced by the bayonet, have been ])ut 
upon our peoi>le. Tlius far we agree 
with him. But just here our paths di- 
verge. He believes in settling down 
iuto a sort of sullen and impotent de- 
spair. We do not. He believes in sulk- 
ing. We fail to see that L>ecause the 
past has been dark and the jnesent 
barely hopeful, we should fold our 
hands and grind our teeth in inaction 
AVe should not check the current of oui- 
energies, and let them cream and man- 
tle over like some cribbed tish-pond. 
We should rather give them the run 
and let the air and .-^unlight pla,y upon 
rhem. 

Suppose every man in the South 
should follow Gen. Toombs' example 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



and advice. When would our condi- 
tion be improved ? How would our 
evils be lessened or our salvation 
wrouglit ? What remedy does he pro- 
pose for tlie condition so intolerable to 
him? .Surely not war! If not then, 
where else but the ballot-box ? If at 
the ballot-box, how can we win the bat- 
tle then by remaining inactive? The 
South, in a purely sectional contest at 
the ballot-box is perfectly helpless. She 
must then nationalize the issues if she 
would will the fight. We should like to 
join (Sen. Toombs in his seclusion. 
'rhere is nothing more tempting than 
to sit in the quiet of one's home, and 
gather np lost memories, antl hug even 
the shadows to our Ijosom. But there 
is work ahead, and we must hurry a 
field where the battle of good govern- 
ment is being fought. Every tent 
should yield its soldier now. We must 
regain the eternal principles which our 
ancestors won, and which we have lost 
and betrayed. 

J udge Underwood's letter is so fully 
in accord with our views that we need 
not comment upon it. It breathes the 
right spirit and is eloquent and true. 
W e shall have manj' a good man with 
us on the next " Fourth. 



ISaiiu.' Issue.] 
CAPT. JOHN MILLEDCE. 

We are glad to learn that the Com- 
mittee of ai'rangements have selected 
our genial friend and fellow -citizen, 
Capt John Milledge, to read the Decla- 
ration of Independence. The aj^pro- 
priateness ot this selection will readily 
appear when it is remembered that 
Capt. Milledge is the direct lineal de- 
scendent of the two first and most dis- 
tinguished patriots of the revolution ; 
Col. Jo^m Millege being his paternal an- 
cestor while iiis mother is the grand- 
daugiiter of Col. Joseph Habersham, 
who captui-ed the powder ship at the 
month of the Savannah river on the 
10th July, 1775. Capt. Milledge bears 
an honored name, and worthily he has 
sustained it. He was among the first 
to volunteer in our late struggle for con- 
stitutional rights, and among the ver,y 
last who surrendered, but like all brave 
men who nobly did their duty in the 
war, he readily accepts the peace which 



is now proposed between the sections 
of our long disunited country. 

THE BLESSED FOURTH. 

VAJlIOtrs OPINIONS ABOUT ITS CKLKBRATION 

— HON. ROBERT TOOMBS "WILI. NOT 

SHAKE HANDS OVER THE CHASM." 

•H'DGK .1. W. H. UNDERWOOD 

THINKS "the cause OF 

BO.S^ON IS THE CAUSE 

OK US ALL." 

We present this morning two inter- 
esting letters on the coming fourth of 
July celebration. We shall ccmtinue to 
publish the replies to the invitation 
conmiittee as thev come in. 



I-RO.M HON. .1. W.H. underwood. 

KoME, GrA., June 24, 1875. 
To Messi-K H. V. M. Miller, George Hill- 
yer and Marcus A. Bell, Committee: 
Gentlemen : Thanking you sincerely 
for the honor of an invitation to the 
celebration of the approaching fourth 
day of July in your city, I regret that it 
is out of my i^ower to attend. The ses- 
sion of the Superior Court of Floyd 
county begins on the first Monday in 
July, and requires my presence here ; 
otherwise, I should rejoice to participate 
in a renewal of that time-honored fes- 
tival — honored by time as well as pat- 
riots, and by none m ire than the }ieopIe 
of Georgia. The long lapse in the 
wonted honors paid to the day and its 
memories, has been a grief to us all. 
This return to the good old custom ig 
some evidence that we are once more 
members of that union of States .which 
cur fathers declared "free and indepen- 
dent States." 

For the maintenance of the Declara- 
tion, they periled life and fortune; 
fought for and won independence and 
libei'ty, and urdained the Constitution 
of the United States to perpetuate the 
blessings of liberty to themselves and 
their posterity forever. So long as we 
are members of the Union, we are in- 
terested in the glories and memories of 
tbe past, and the hopes of the future. 
The disposition manifested by our own 
people to celet)rate the day in common 
with the whole people of the Union, is 
an honor to their dignity, patriotism 
and forbearance. It will be a suitable 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



time and occasion to renew onr pledges 
of fealty to the imperishable principles 
of civil and religious liberty, set forth 
in the Declaration of Independence, 
baptized in the blood of the Revolution 
and taxed in the Constitution of the 
United States. 

It will be refreshing when we are once 
again restored, not only to the Union, 
but the rights and privileges beijueathed 
us by a noble ancestry. Would to God 
that, not only Georgia, but ])atient, en- 
during Ijouisiana, and every other State, 
were all in condition to rejoice in the 
glorious sunshine of liberty which arose 
on the fourth of July, 1776. Time was 
when there was no difi'erenee — -the soil 
enriched by the fiood waters of the Mis- 
sissippi, was as free as that washed by 
the waves of the Atlantic. No CDurt. 
no Congress, no man had power to crush 
liberty in either. That time will come 
again. God send it speedily, and ^vhen 
it does come — when the Constitution of 
the United States shall be alike ob- 
served and enforced in all parts of the 
country, when the rule of the despot is 
ended, when the despot's heel is lifted — 
then again the Virginian and the (Geor- 
gian can exclaim as of old, "The cause 
of Boston is tlve cause of us all." 
Your fellow-citizen, 

J. W. H. Underwood. 



FROM THE HON. ROBERT TOOMBS. 

Washington, Ga., June 23, 1875. 
Geni'lemen : I have received your 
letter of the 1 1th instant, inviting me, 
"in behalf of the citizens of Atlanta, to 
co-operate with them, in person or by 
letter, in celebrating the ninety-ninth 
anniversary of Americaii Indepen- 
dence," for which i)lease accept my 
thanks. When the principles proclaim- 
ed by our ancestors in 177(1, and nobly 
maintained and re-established by them, 
shall have been established, I will then, 
if on this side of the grave, rejoice with 
you. I am ashamed even to sing ])eans 
to the lion-hearted heroes of that grand 
epoch in the -world's history, until we 
shall have regained those eternal prin- 
ciples of self-government -which they 
won, and which we have both lost and 
betrayed. I can not shake hands with 
those who dug it, and filled it with the 
bloody cor])ses of the brave and true, 
over the bloodv chasm which engulfs 



also the principles of '7(>. I want no 
fraternity with States or people without 
liberty and equality. 

I am, very tiuly and respectfully, 
your obedient servant. 

R. T00MB.S. 
Messrs. H. V. M. Miller, Geo. Hillver, 

Marcus A. Bell. 

[Athmta Daily Herald, ,Iulv ?,.] 
OLD VETERANJS TO THE FRONT. 

We print this morning three interest- 
ing letters from three of Georgia's most 
distinguished men. 

Ex-Gov. Jenkin's letter is a rarely 
good one. Since he has written it, we 
are tempted to regret that he saw tit to 
withdraw fiom the gubernatorial race. 
He has a good head, a good heart, a 
good judgment, and a good spirit — a 
quadruplet of virtues not often found 
in any man. He hits the matter plump- 
ly on the head when he says, " We 
want no sulking." There is less philos- 
]ihy and less sense in sulking than in 
anything that man can do or fail to d((. 
Governor Jenkins' letter will do great 
good. North and South. 

Judge King's letter is full of common 
sense. Resigning his seat in the United 
States Senate thirty-five years ago,Judge 
King has lived aloof from politics evei' 
since. He has none of the prejudices 
or passion of the strife about liim, and 
shutting his eyes and jerking himself 
down to the facts as developed by his 
own experience, he says, " T never want 
any more liberty, or more happiness in 
any government than I have had in 
this." While he forgets, in making this 
utterance, the woes of Louisana and 
her stricken sisters, he speaks the truth 
just as he finds it, from his own stand- 
point. 

The Hon. Absalom H. Chappell, with 
an heroic fondness for minorities, wraps 
his cloak about him, and walks out to 
round Toond^s and Hillyer — the two 
disse' ters — into a trinity. Gallant men, 
all of the three — heroes in the most ab- 
solute sense of the word — standing with 
heads bowed and hands locked in de- 
spair, while the sunshine is breaking 
around them and above them — martyrs 
to a passion that becomes a principle 
through its intensity — we lift our hats 
to them, but we must pass on beyond 
them I 



TIIK DAV IN ATLANTA. 



Tn 1-egard to the letters tliat are sent 
to the coinniitttee, we have, of course, 
found it impossible to pul)lish thein all. 
One thing we have been compelled to 
(lo, and that is to present every letter 
that has been written that was depreca- 
tory of the occasion. Of the hundreds 
wiitten to, only three have i-ejilied in 
the spfrit of deprecation. We shall at- 
tempt to synopsizc the most important 
letters for to-morrow's paper. 

THE BLESSED FOURTH. 

Various Opinions from Various 
Sources. 

We present three interesting letters 
this morning on the celebration on " the 
I'ourth." Three distinguished and pat- 
riotic men have the floor to-day: 

EX-GOV. CHARLES J. JENKINS. 



wftat " the xoblkst roman ov them 

ai>l" has to say — "let its havkno 

sltlking; it ls not a I'ART of 

southern character." 

Aicu'STA, Ga., June 28, 1875. 
Messrs. H. V. M. Miller, George Hillyer, 

Mar run A. Bell, Committee, ete..: 

Gentlemen: Accept my thanks for 
your invitation to be present at your 
l^roposed celebration of the declaration 
of American Independence, on the 5th 
proximo. 

Circumstances J of a strictly pei-sonal 
nature, pi-event my acceptance of j'onr 
invitation, but allow me to assure you 
that I will be with you in spirit. In 
proof of this, I avail myself of the alter- 
native privilege of offering you a few 
thoughts in writing. 

It is to be regretted that events which 
have transpired within the last ten 
years, disincline sonie noble Southernei'S 
to participate in the annual celebrations 
of the fourth of July. I say within the 
last ten years (which excludes the pe- 
riod of flagrant war), bec'ause it is per- 
fectly notorious that this disinclination 
grows, not out of the shock of arms, nor 
yet out of the discomfiture of our South- 
ern armies, by reason of the vast dis- 
proi)ortion in numbers and resources, 
but out of the course of Federal legisla- 
tion relative to the vanquished States 
since their surrender, in heroic natures 



the passion excited on the battle-field, 
however sanguinary the contest, soon 
I subsides when the* clang of arms is 
I hushed. There were no personal ani- 
! mosities inv(jlved, and no personal vin- 
j dictiveness survives the strife. But 
! minorities feel keenly and feel long the 
i barb of oppression, tem))ered and sharjj- 
j ened and poisoned with all the cool de- 
liberation supposed too))tain in legisla- 
tive bodies under the sobering intiuence 
of restored peace. Have I not truly 
stated the gravemen of Southern com- 
plaint to-day? If so, let us inquire 
briefly whether it is wise to ignore the 
brightest dav in tlie American calendar. 
There are two American e})ochs, not 
quite a century apart, in which the acts 
done, and tlie spirit that prompted 
them, stand, and will forever stand, in 
well-detined ami striking contrast. 

The first occurred A. D., 1776; and a 
Convention, or Congress, of the British 
Colonies of North America, rendered it 
ever memorable by the Declaration of 
American Inde)>endence. 

After a recital of wrongs and oppres- 
sions inflicted by their liege lord, the 
King of P^ngland — of their long-sutfer- 
ing loyalty, and of their fruitless appeals 
for justice, they announced to the 
world the great central truth and prac- 
tical result of their counsels, that "these 
colonies are, and of right ought to be, 
free and independent States." 

The second epoch has its place A. D. 
1S67, two years after the termination of 
the late "deplorable war between the 
States. The ^•anquished having laid 
down their arms, had come again, by 
explicit declaration, under the Consti- 
tution of the Tnited States, acknowl- 
ingitas their supreme law — had abro- 
gated constitutions which established 
for them other Federal relations and 
adopted new constitutions, compatible 
with their ancient associations and ob- 
ligations, and everv whit as republican 
in form and m substance as that of any 
State in the I'nion — had organized new 
governments under them, and tendered 
fraternity and co-operation in the re- 
stored confederacy. This action had 
met the approval and sanction of the 
Federal executive, and the whole ma- 
chinery of government. State and Fed- 
eral, was ready again to move in har- 
monious operation. But just upon this 
great consummation, which should have 



THK DAY IN ATLANTA. 



made the Northern heart jubilant with 
joy and restored confidence, the- Con- 
jjress of the United States, by a series 
of enactments known as tlie Recon- 
struction Acts, abrogated all of these 
new constitutions, o\erturned all of 
these new governments, and required 
the framing of other constitutions and 
the organization of other governments 
under the surveillance of Federal mili- 
tary authority, and this was all done. 
The plain significance of the whole pro- 
ceeding was simply this: The States 
affected by tliis legislation (among 
which were f(jur of the old thirteen, 
present and participant in the other 
Congress of 177G) are not, and of right 
ought not to be, free and sovereign 
States, save by the grace and under the 
moulding hand of Congress. This is 
undeniable history. 

Do I not then say truly that these 
two great events stand strikingly con- 
trasted in action and in spirit. You 
propose to commemorate the action and 
to i-evivify the si)irit of 177B. Can any 
thing tend more to condemn the action 
and to extinguish the spirit of 18t)7 ? 
Assuredly not. 

I then bid you (rod-speed. May you 
live to see the spirit of '7fj flaming in 
the Ijrightness of its own name, and the 
spirit of '()7 fading into darkness, and if 
so it mote be, sinking into oblivion. 

The lime is pro])itious, sectional jeal- 
ousies, heart-burnings and discords are 
dying out. The chasm is being bridged 
— parties from the one side and the 
other are rushing to the front and shak- 
ing hands across the fast-lessening space 
of se"paration. South Carolina and Mas- 
sachusetts, heretofore the recognized 
representatives of extreme opiuons and 
feelings, have exchanged greetings, and 
mingled counsels in the shadow of 
Bunker Hill's towering monument. 
Public opinion is tending rapidly to 
the conclusion that reconstruction was 
a crime against liberty, and even the 
American Tallyrands are, (jue after 
another, confessing that (according to 
their ethics) it was worse — a bli'ndek. 

In view of tViese encouraging signs of 
the times, shall we stand aloof, and lend 
no helping hand to the work of regenera- 
tion ? With all respect, and in all kijid- 
ness to those who say yes, I must add 
that this would be simply to sulk in 
resentment of past wrongs. But, gen- 



tlemen, sulking is not in keeping with 
Southern character. It is characteristic 
of Southern minds and Southern hearts 
to view intelligenth' the surroundings 
of the hour, and to bear a prominent 
j)art in rectifying whatever of evil may 
exist, and in turning to the best account 
apparent good. 

Very respectfully, your fellow-citizen, 
C. J. Jexkins. 



LETTER FROM EX-SENATOR 
JOHN P. KING. 

AiGusTA, Ga., July 1, 1875. 
Gentlemen : I acknowledge with 
many thanks the receipt of your letter 
inviting me to co-opei'ate with tht^ citi- 
zens of Atlanta in celebrating the nine- 
ty-ninth anniversary of American Inde- 
pendence. Until this morning I liad 
hoped and intended to be with you on 
that interesting occasion, but as I find 
it doubtful whether I will tind it con- 
venient to attend, it is due to you and 
the citizens of Atlanta that I should 
adopt this mode of returning my thanks 
for the courtesv extended to me. 

The free institutions which the ])eople 
of the United States were ])rivileged to 
make after the success of the revolu- 
tionary tleclaration of 1776, were en- 
joyed in domestic peace and prosperity 
until the commencement of oui- late ci\il 
war. Few free republics, with the fed- 
erative feature, ever continued in peace 
so long as the government of thejUnited 
States. It continued, i)erhaps, as long 
as the republican virtues of '76 con- 
tinued, and as long as the people ap- 
preciated the blessings, and were 
worthy to enjoy them. The most beau- 
tiful and patriotic sentiments ever ut- 
tered in any language, were uttered by 
Mr. Hill, in December, 1860, in a letter 
accepting the nomination as a delegate 
to the State Convention : "But I shall 
dissolve this Union as I would bury a 
benefactor, never through choice, only 
from necessity, and then in sadness and 
sorrow of heart. For after all, the V. nion 
is not the author of our grievance. Bad, 
extreme men, in both sections, insult 
each other, and then both fight the 
Union, that never harmed or insulted 
either. Perhaps it has blessed all above 
their merits. For myself, I shall never 
ask for more true liberty and real haj>- 
piness under any government than I 



TJIE DAY IX ATLANTA. 



have enjoyed as a citizen of this great 
American Union. May they who would 
destroy this Union in afroHc, have wis- 
dom to furnish our children a hotter 
one." 

No people ever enjoyed a secure and 
progressive prosperity comparable to 
that of the people of the United States, 
and we may well join Mr. Hill in his as- 
pirations and wishes. Although we 
can not expect, in our day, to recover 
all that we have lost, it is a patriotic 
duty to embrace every suitable oppor- 
tunity to cultivate that spirit of unity 
and concord to which we owe the suc- 
cess of our revolutionary experiment. 

The amazing and unprecedented pros- 
perity and progress of the people of the 
United States was not an accident. We 
find means to an end, and adaptation 
to a purpose. Tt was the most perfect 
system for the rapid accumulation of 
national wealth, by the protection and 
security of individual rights and private 
property that was ever devised by men ! 
No system of national economy was 
ever so perfect or gave such ample 
guarantees to persons and property at 
so small a co^t. The vast extent of "our 
territory, with its great variety of soil, 
climate and production, is offered to 
every citizen as afield for free exchange 
—not by favor, not by compact or treaty 
arrangement, but by right of constitu- 
tional law. This fundamental right se- 
cures to every citizen as many comforts 
as he can purchase, for as much money 
as he can earn, for as much work as he 
can do. It is this feature in our Consti- 
tution, aided greatly by the guaranteed 
validity of private contracts, that mainly 
accounts for the progressive prosperity 
we have enjoyed. It is true that the 
blessings secured under these constitu- 
tional guaranties are, by legislative and 
administrative abuses, somewhat under 
a cloud; but an abuse cannot change a 
principle ; the abuse may be reformed, 
whilst the principle may remain forever. 
Very respectfullv, your obedient ser- 
vant, John P. King. 
H. V. M. Miller, George Hillyer, Mar- 
cus A. Bell, Committee. 

HON. A. H. CHAPPELL. 

HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 

Columbus, Ga., June 30, 1875. 
Messrs. H. V. M. Miller, George Hillyer, 
Marcus A. Bell, Committee, etc.: 
GSNTLEMEN : I have the honor to ac- I 



kno\vledge yours of the 11th instant, 
inviting me, in behalf of the citizens of 
Atlanta, to co-operate with them, in 
person or by letter, in celebrating the 
ninety-ninth anniversary of American 
Indei)endence. 

The fourth of July anniversaries, we 
all know, gentlemen, have lately under- 
gone a great change in their character 
and the feelings they are calculated to 
inspire. They have" been now, for a • 
series of years, suggestive to all thought- 
ful, patriotic minds, especially in the 
South, far more of sentiments of sadness 
and humiliation than of pride and grat- 
ulation. Onr country is not yet a hun- 
dred years old, and what shipwreck, 
nevertheless, do we not behold, of the 
glorious work of our ancestors. We 
have lost the liberties and the precious 
constitutional rights and security they 
becpieathed to us, and which they fond- 
ly hoped 'vould be perpetuated, as a 
blessed heritage, to their remotest pos- 
terity. 

But, whatever mav have been our 
faults or misfortunes relative to the sub- 
lime boon we received at their hands 
and have so lamentably let fall from 
our own, never let us be guilty of the 
impiety of not remembering and honor- 
ing what they dared, did and sutiered — 
and that, too, much less for themselves 
than for us. Never let us become so 
degenerate as not to love, study and 
strive to keep alive, if we can not 
worthil}' imitate, their example and 
principles. And, certainly, there is no 
more fitting day for such study than 
the fourth of July — a day rendered for- 
ever illustrious by the magnanimity and 
heroism of which our revolutionary 
statesmen were capable. The imposi- 
tions against which thej' and their con- 
stituencies, from that moment sover- 
eign, rebelled, were trifiing in magni- 
tude, and were in no danger of waxing 
heavy in their day ; but seeing in them 
the germs of future despotism, they no- 
bly resolved to crush them at once, nor 
allow them a chance to develoj) and 
ripen into the bitter fruits of practical 
slavery for their children. 

I take it for granted that you do not 
propose, on Monday next, to glorify, in 
the old-fashioned, self-lauding, self-ex- 
alting way, our deliverance during the 
last century from the mild, maternal 
British yoke— just ae if nothing had 
happened within the last dozen years, 
makintj 3uch a course no longer com- 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



patible with good taste, or with our 
dignity and self-respect — just as if we 
were unconscious of tlie staring fact 
that we had, within that periocl, come 
under anotnei- yoke infinitely worse 
than the one we threw oft' Jiinetj'-nine 
years ago — a yoke tlie most galling and 
ignominious that the world ever knew, 
fastened upon ns by the ruthless hands 
of fraternal conquerors after the peace 
and the surrender of our arms, and our 
^ giving the amplest pledges of our loyalty. 
So long as tliat vile yoke is upon our 
necks, so long as we have enjoined upon 
us a constitution and a government re- 
modeled in hatred, and the aim of 
which is to make us the slaves of our 
former negro slaves and of the Northern 
tniscreants who use them and their 
votes as the easy means of misruling, 
despoiling, oppressing and debasing us, 
let the fourth of July if commemorated 
at all in the (South, be kept as a season 
of patriotic mourning and indignation. 
Ah ! how can the generous, even among 
our enemies, help having their festivi- 
ties dashed on that day, when they 
think of South Carolina, Mississippi and 
Louisiana, and the harrowing spectacle 
of negro and carpet-bag lawlessness, 
misrule and ruin they are at this mo- 
ment unhappily presenting ; when they 
think also of the scenes which, until 
very recently, were long rampant in 
' Arkansas and Alabama — from the like 
of which Georgia and some other South- 
ern States had, indeed, an earlier de- 
liverance, but from which they are never 
safe enough to be free from anxiety, 
j whenever it shall suit the Federal ad- 
ministration and its vermin to resolve 
to carry their elections. 

The great appalling danger, gentle- 
men, is that the process, already begun, 
of a gradual settling down into perma- 
nent bad government, and of the coun- 
try's acquiescence under it, will not be 
arrested, but will continue to go on until 
it reaches a depth from which there 
never can be nor will be reaction or 
resurrection. History is full of such 
eases. That depth will most assuredly 
have been reached whenever the South, 
the great victim and sufferer under the 
present state of things, shall become 
base enough to be reconciled to her 
wrongs and the fate they infiict. 

I have the honor to be, most respect- 
fully, your oV>edient servant and fellow- 
citizen, A. H. Chappeli,. 



[Atlanta Herald, July 4.] 
GEORGIA'S CENTENNIAL. 

This morning just one hundred years 
ago, a body of Georgians assembled in 
an old hall in Savannah, and organized 
the first opposition to the British King 
that Georgia had ever ofiered. To-day 
one hundred years ago, the first body 
of representatives, elected by the peo- 
ple in opposition to the cringing Pro- 
vincial Legislature, assembled, and be- 
gan the war that resulted in our deliver- 
ance. This, then, is Georgia's Centen- 
nial Day, and worthily will it be cele- 
brated in the capital city on to-morrow. 



The following change in the pro- 
gramme was made last evening: 

The Committee of Arrangements on 
^ the Fourth of July Celebration, met at 
James' Bank at 2:30 o'clock p. m., Sidney 
Dell, Esq., chairman, presiding. 

On motion, the place of holding the 
celebration was changed from DeGive's 
Opera house to the Union Passenger 
Depot, the principal railroads having 
agreed to keep trains out of the depot 
during the hours necessary for its occu- 
pation on the day. 

Messrs. Henry Hillyer, Geo. T. Fry, 
John X. Dunn and O. H. Jones were 
added to the Finance Committee. 

Messrs. John N. Dunn, Henry Hillyer, 
G. T. Dodd, W. S. Ballard and John C. 
Peck were appointed a committee to ar- 
range the necessary seats. Adjourned. 
Bknj. F. Abbott, Secretarj'. 

On the evening of to-morrow, at No. 
166, Marietta street, will be celebrated 
the breaking of dirt for the building of 
the cotton factory. 

AT THE PAKK. 

Messrs. Scarratt & Payne have ar- 
ranged a most charming programme of 
amusements at the Oglethorpe Park. 
No one of oui- visitors should fail to go 
out and take part in the sports. 

MARSHALS OF THE PROCESSION TO-MORROW 

Having been appointed Marshal of 
the Day for the ceremonies on the fourth 
of July, I hereby name the following 
gentlemen as my aids: Messrs. R. J. 
Lowery, A. J. Beall, Reau Campbell, R. 
J. Godfrey and J. G. Scrutchins, whu 
will meet "(mounted) at the capitol to- 
morrow (Monday )'morningat 10 o'clock. 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



The procea^pio^ will form on Marietta 
street, the right resting on Broad ; the 
line of march, down Broad to Mitchell, 
down Mitchell to Whitehall, through 
Whitehall to Decatur, down Decatur to 
Pryor, through Pryor to passenger de- 
pot, where arrangements are being 
made for the speaking. 

O. H. Jones, 
Marshal of the Day. 

governor smith indorses it. 

, Atlanta, July 3, 1875. 
Messrs. H. V. M. Miller, George- Hillyer 
and Marcus A. Bell: 
Gentlemen : Having been informed 
that It is the desire of the committee to 
know whether J. will join in the proces- 
sion, I beg leave to state that it will not 
be convenient for me to do so in the 
present condition of my health. It will 
give me pleasure, however, to join you 
at the Union Passenger Depot, and to 
unite with you and other fellow-citizens 
in the celebration of the ninety-ninth 
anniversary of American Independence. 
Very respectfully, 

James M. Smith. 



It was a very pleasant occasion, en- 
joyed by all, and one we hope to see oft 
repeated by all our citizens. 



A Do-wji East Fourtli. 

One of the pleasant features of the 
celebration of the fourth was the man- 
ner in which it was observed by Mr. 
AVilliam Jackson, agent of the American 
Safe Company. His residence, 24 
Markham street, was brilliantly illumin- 
ated with Chinese lanterns, etc., and 
made still more dazzling by the display 
of large stars and stripes floating in the 
breeze outside and hung upon the walls 
inside. 

In the evening Mr. Jackson had in- 
vited a small number of his friends, in- 
cluding Judge Tibbalsand lady, of Con- 
necticut, Mr. Bowdoin, Mr. Spencer and 
wife, and Mr. Thibadeau. 

At night the party engaged in shoot- 
ing lire-works until the bell rang an- 
nouncing that a repast was in waiting. 
After doing ample justice to the rich 
viands, consisting of ice cream, cake, 
lemonade, candy, nuts, etc., which were 
prepared and dispensed by the amiable 
hostess, Mrs. Jackson, the party again 
adjourned to the yard where the on- 
slaught upon the fire-works was re- 
newed. 



THE FOURTH. 

letter KKOM HON. H. P. RELL IX REPLY 
TO AN INVITATION TO BE PRESENT. 

Gumming, Ga., June 28, 1875. 
Messrs. H. V. M. Miller, George Hillyer 
and Marcus A. Bell, Committee: 
Gentlemen: Your favor of the lltli 
instant, inviting me, on behalf of the 
citizens of Atlanta, to co-operate with 
them, in person or by letter, in cele- 
brating the ninety-ninth anniversary of 
American independence, was duly re- 
ceived, and for which you will please 
accept my thanks. I have delayed until 
now an answer, in the hope that 1 
might be able to participate in person 
in the festivities of that occasion. But 
I find that indisposition of a month's 
continuance, from which I have not yet 
recovered, compels me to forego that 
pleasure. I most cordiaily approve the 
celebration. The declaration of Ameri- 
can independence on the fourth day of 
Jul)', 1776, marks no ordinary event in 
the M orld's history. It was the culmin- 
ation of the long and bloody struggle 
between liberty and despotism. It ex- 
ploded, at least so far as this country is 
concerned, that system of civil govern- 
ment, established by the barbarous 
conquerors of the middle ages, who 
planted upon the thrones of Europe the 
bastard ofi'spring of robber blood, and 
claimed to rule bj'^ divine right. The 
declaration announces the grand truth 
that government derives its just powers 
from the consent of the governed. The 
rights and principles asserted in Inde- 
pendence liall, maintained on the iield 
and embodied in the constitution by our 
fathers, constitute the grandest fabric 
of civil government ever devised by 
wisdom or maintained by valor. They 
are the common heritage of all the peo- 
ple of each State and every .section of 
the Union. We hold this c-ommon pat- 
rimony from our ancestors in trust for 
I)osterity, and are under the highest 
obligations of gratitude to the former, 
and duty to the latter, to preserve it in 
the present, and transmit it, unim- 
paired, to the future. It invigorates 
our patriotism and re-assures our hope 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



to kneel at the shrine where our fathers 
worshipped, and we may well pause one 
ilay in each year to contemplate the 
virtue, wisdom, patriotism and courage 
of the great men wlio made and main- 
tained this declaration. 

We gather patriotic inspiration from 
communion with their spirits, and re- 
turn, like the devotee from his pilgrim- 
age, wiser men and better patriots. 
The constitutional rights of the citizens, 
the states and the sections of this great 
republic can neither be preserved nor 
perpetuated by sectional animosities, 
and I cannot perceive the wisdom of 
that policy that inflames sectional hate 
by appealing to the passions and pre- 
judices of the past. The Union is blood- 
healed. The Constitution guarantees 
perfect equality of rights to all sections, 
to each State and to evei-y citizen. If it 
has been violated, if constitutional 
rights have been withheld, and uncon- 
stitutional burdens imposed, the people 
and the people alone are invested with 
the corrective, and I know no better 
method of inducing them to apply it 
than by appealing to their virtue, Intel - 
ligence and patriotism, and know of no 
more successful way of making the ap- 
peal than by uniting them on the natal 
day of independence throughout the 
entire country, in appreciating the value 
of liberty by celebrating that daj' with 
appropriate ceremonies and festivities. 
I hope, therefore, to see this time-hon- 
ored custom of by-gone days revived 
and observed as it was in the earlier 
and better days of the republic. I trust 
also, that the people, especially the 
South, will heartily participate in the 
approaching centennial celebration. 
Their devotion to the principles of the 
declaration has been proven, their cour- 
age in acti<.>n and heroism in suffering 
have been tried and vindicated. The 
centennial will be an occasion, on which 
the people from every ([uarter of the 
entire country, at the birth-pla<-e of lib- 
erty, surrounded with hallowed associ- 
ations and glorious memories, may ex- 
hibit before the representatives of the 
despotisms of the world that higher 
moral heroism and God-like attribute 
of forgiveness. 

llegretting my inability to be present, 
and again expressing my thanks for 
your invitation, I am, very respectfully, 
your obedient servant, 

4 H. P. Bprj. 



OUR •'BREVET" FOURTH. 

WHAT PROMINENT GEORGIANS THINK 
ABOUT OUR CENTENNIAL DAY. 

The outlook for fun on the fourth is 
very fine. A large crowd is expe(;ted, 
and arrangements have been made for a 
regular jamboree. 

We present below some points of inter- 
est, beginning with synoptical opinions 
from the letters of the prominent men 
who have been invited to attend. 



OUGHT TO 



BE FOREVER 
JUBILEE." 



A NATIONAL 



The fourth of July is, and ought to be 
forever a national jubilee, in this coun- 
try. The memory of the act which 
makes it a great day, ought to be cher- 
ished. So ought a recollection of the 
actors who were of those who were pres- 
ent when the act was done and aided in 
giving shape to its results. 

Then I look upon the proposed cele- 
bration as eminently proper, and a step 
in the right direction ; and so far as 
practicable, will (contribute to make it a 
success. N. B. Knight, 

Judge Superior Court. 

"in heart and sympathy." 
I can only be with you upon that oc- 
casion in heart and in sympathy. 

C. D. McCuTCHEN, 

Judge Superior Court. 



"l TRUST THE 



example 

LOWED." 



WILL BE FOL- 



I heartily approve the movement to 
celebrate the fourth day of July in the 
South, and trust that the example of 
our fellow-citizens in Atlanta will be 
followed in every city and town in the 
South. 

It is especially proper for us to keep 
alive Independence Day. There is not 
a .sentiment in that immortal declara- 
tion which is at war with our record 
from that day to this. 

E. H. Pottle, 
.J udge Superior Court. 
"it is our country." 
Although our country is not in the 
condition we would prefer to have it. 
yet it is our country, and the only one 
we have. Then each citizen should 
strive to correct its evils and add to its 
G. J. Wright, 
Judge Superior Court. 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



"SHOULD ADOPT EVERY HONORABLE MEANS 
TO RESTORE UNITY AND HARMONY." 

I could say more upon this subject, 
but hoping to be with you in person, 
and to demonstrate the fact that an old 
Confederate, who only surrendered after 
our illustrious chieftains, Lee, Johnston 
and Taylor had surrendered, can in per- 
son illustrate the sincerity of his devo- 
tion to the American Union, and rise 
the low atmosphere of passion, hate 
and prejudice, into the higher and purer 
air of brotherly love and fraternal feel- 
ing. 

Whilst w,e should not compromise the 
principles of our fathers, or sacrifice 
truth or honor, we should adopt every 
honorable means in our power to res- 
store unity and harmony and to estab- 
lish the government upon the princi- 
ples of Washington and Jefferson. 
William Gibson, 
Judge (Superior Court. 

" A DAY UPON WHICH THE SOUTH CAN 
CLASP HANDS WITH THE NORTH." 

" I am glad to see our people begin- 
ning again to celebrate it. It is a day 
upon which the South can clasD hands 
with the North across the sad years 
from 1860 to 1870, and renew the vows 
to respect the Constitution, and to love 
it as our revolutionary fathers did." 
Chas. M. Dubose, 
vStaie Senator. 

" THE priceless HERITAGE OF US ALL." 

•' The recurrence of national indepen- 
dence day in America should never be 
passed over without due observance and 
commemoration by her children, be 
they Confederates or Federals. The im- 
mortal principles proclaimed by the 
Centennial Congress of 1776, and the 
liberty won by the swords of the fath- 
ers of the Republic, are the priceless 
heritage of us all." 

Stephen A. Corker, 
Ex-Congressman. 

" I REJOICE AT THE AWAKENING." 

" For one 1 rejoice at the reawaken- 
ing as indicated in your proposed cele- 
bration. The people of the original 
thirteen were one, asserting and pro- 
claiming independence ; and the people 
of the present tlurty-seven are one in 
its enjoyment. The pride of sections 
and of States should now, as then, yield 



to the higher and nobler object of our 
affections — the Union of both. 

Richard H. Wiiitely, 

Ex-Congressman. 

" HEARTY sympathy." 

" I assure you of my hearty sympa- 
thy in your object to commemorate the 
principles of '76, which we of the South 
have so long cherished, and on one 
memorable occasion, endeavored so 
hard to practically enforce." 

Geo. R. Black. 

"much TO WONDER AT AND BE PROUD OF." 

" Yet pei'haps, it is best for us, and 
fidelity to our obligations to the future 
to look over the four years of fire and 
sword, and the succeeding ten years of 
vengeance, oppression, and leanness, 
and fixing our eyes on the former years 
of peace and plenty, see whether there 
is not something, yea, much to wonder 
at and be proud of." 

"In this spirit, I would join in the 
festivities of the national holiday, and 
hope to be with you." J. B. Jones. 



He 



HON. JOSEPH E. BROWN. 

Accords thorouglily 'with 
Spirit of tlie Movement. 



the 



Atlanta, Ga., June 23, 1875. 
Hon. II. Y. M. Miller, George IJUlyer and 

Marcuti A. Bell, Committee : 

Gentlemen : — I have the pleasure to 
acknowledge the receipt of your kind 
invitation to attend the celebration of 
the coming 4th of July, in this city, and 
I have in reply, to state that it will af- 
ford me much pleasure to attend and 
witness the intended celebration. 

I think the people of the South have 
erred in neglecting the celebration of 
American Independence since the termi- 
nation of our late unfortunate struggle. 
Whatever may have been the merits oi' 
demerits of the cause, or conduct of 
either side in that struggle, we were all 
one common people in the American 
Revolution, which resulted in the es- 
tablishment of our independence; and 
the declaration of our independence 
which was made upon the fourth of 
July, 1776, was the joint act of the 
people of all sections of the Union. A 
Southern man was the author of that 
declaration, and a Southern man was 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



the great leader of the armies of the 
Repubhc in the struggle which fol- 
lowed. In that memorable contest, 
Southern valor was in a very high de- 
gree conspicuous, and Southern blood 
flowed freely on almost every battle- 
lield. The people of the South have, 
therefore, a right to claim that their an- 
cestry were most prominent in the great 
event which the celebration is intended 
to commemorate. 

Allow me to ask what Southern man 
nowhasany fault to And with the princi- 
ples contained in the declaration of inde- 
pendence of 177(J ? All we ask is that 
these principles. shall be faithfully car- 
ried out, and that the Constitution of 
the United States, which was formed af- 
ter the achievement of our indepen- 
dence, shall be faithfully administered. 
It was the failure of some of the 
Northern States to carry out, in good 
faith, these great principles in practice, 
and to observe the obligations of the 
Constitution, which caused the late 
struggle between the two sections. In 
that struggle we simply contended that 
these principles should be maintained ; 
and as the government of the United 
States, in our opinion, failed to carry 
them out, we determined to make an 
effort to set up a government that vjonld 
maintain them. In this we failed, and, 
since our fai:ure, it must be admitted, 
there have been many departures from 
these great fundamental principles. 
But I think there is much to cheer us 
in the prospect of an earlj' return to 
them, in the practice of the govern- 
ment. It seems to me the signs are 
very favorable to another great revolu- 
tion in 1876, not identical wath that of 
1776, because that revolution was nec- 
essarily achieved by the blood of the 
brave. The revolution of 1876, will, in 
my opinion, be achieved at the ballot- 
box. In thc> one hundredth year of 



the life of the Republic, I look for a 
revolution in the popular mind which 
will cause the people of the United 
States to rise in their might at the polls 
and restore the great principles for 
which our fathers shed their blood in 
the struggle of 1776. 

The very fact that the Southern peo- 
ple neglect the celebration of the fourth 
of July, is used by those opposed to the 
principles which were enunciated in 
1776, as an evidence that' we are not 
true to them. It is ray opinion, there- 
fore, that all patriots in the South should 
unite in the celebration of the ninety- 
ninth anniversary of our independence, 
and that all the states of the South should 
unite in the centennial celebration of 
1876, at Philadelphia, and thereby dis- 
pel from the popular mind of the North 
all prebext for a prejudice of the char- 
acter above mentioned. In other words, 
let us show them that we are still ready 
to stand by and maintain the old doc- 
trines of 1776, and carry them out faith- 
fully. And this will, doubtless, have 
ranch to do in bringing their minds to 
the like conclusion. 

The institution of slavery having been 
blotted out by the late war, there is no 
looger a reason for sectional strife ; and 
whenever the people of the North are 
ready to meet us, upon the principles 
of the declaration of independence and 
the Constitution of the United States, 
we should meet them cordially, and, 
burying the past, the two sections 
should unite in transmitting to their 
posterity, the free institutions which 
are the natural result of the great doc- 
trines which were established by the 
achievement of our national indepen- 
dence. 

I am, very respectfully, 

Your obed't serv't, 

Joseph E. Brown. 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



The following xeport of the celebra- 1 with the dashing marshals on horse- 
tion of "the Day in the Citv," is taken I back, appeared at the western entrance 

■' "' ■ ~' "' ' ' the gates were swuntr 



from the current reports of the Daily 
Herald : 

The "Brevet Fourth" 
cious. The sunlight 
a gay city. Early 
trains b^gan to 



lawned auspi- 

streamed on 

in the day 

arrive loaded 



with visitors, shouting and hurrahing to 
one another. So great was the crowd 
that one dusky individual remarked to 
another as the trains were steaming in 
slowly under Broad street bridge, "It 
looks like day of judgment done come." 
During the day an ever movins stream 
of people, in w-hich the colored element 
was distinctly traceable,was passing and 
re-passing up and down the principal 
thoroughfares. Everybody seemed to 
be; in good humor. Shinplasters, lem- 
onade and iced beer flowed in strong 
currents. 

At eleven o'clock the procession form- 
ed near the Capitol and marched to 
strains of martial nrusic, under the di- 
rection of Marshal Jones and his as- 
sistants through the streets pre- 
viously announced. Flags we^e 
displayed in different par!s 
city. A detachment of the 
States troops with the cannon in charge, 
took position at the City Hall, and at an 
appointed time tired a salute of thirty- 
eight guns. 

;,. Long before the time to begin people 
were going into the Car-shed. At first 



of the car shed, 

open, and they marched in. The orator 
of the day, accompanied by the chap- 
lani and the reader, and the poet, was 
in an open carriage, drawn by a beauti- 
ful span of horses. As the distinguished 
statesman of Geoi'gia left his carriage 
and came towards the platform, he was 
heralded by the cheers of hundreds and 
thousands. A large chair was placed 
for his convenience, in which he was 
seated, amidst inci'eased cheering. By 
this time there were at least five thou- 
sand people under the roof, the seats 
prepared were occupied, and surround- 
ed in a deep line by a circle, who had 
to stand. 

It now became painfully evident that 
owing to the number and restlessness 
of the crowd on the edges and passers- 
by in the rear of them, that the speakers 
could not he heard. We noticed on the 
stage Judge Erskine, Hon. H. W. Hil- 
liard, Gen. P. JM. B. Young, Prof. Orr, 
Gov. Smith, Col. J. R. Sneed, Maj. Geo. 
Hillyer, Capt. John Milledge, Judge 
Lochrane, and others. 

The ladies were oat in large num- 
bers, and listened with deep interestand 
attention to Georgia's eminent son, the 
fit and eloquent spokesman of the prin- 
of the I ciples embodied in the day and its cele- 
United bration. 

The following was the stage pro- 
gramme : 

The meeting will be presided over by 
his Excellency, James M. Smith, Gov- 
ernor of Georgia, as President ; assisted 
by Hon. George Hillyei-, Cefitennial 



it was in drops, as it were, as the en- [ Commissioner from Georgia, and Hon. 
trances were closed and opened only to ! C. C. Hammock, Mayor of Atlanta, Vice- 
a few, then, as the watch grew more Piesidents. 

lax, it became a little constant The chaplain, reader, poet and orator 
rill, then a fiood and the place was will be introduced by the chairman of 
inundated with people. About the Committee of Airangements, Capt. 
11:45 o'clock, the military leading, Sidney Dell. 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



1. Music... "Aiild Lang Sjaic" 

2. Prayer by the Chapliiiu Kev. E. W. Warreu 

3. Reading Declaration ol'ilndt'pendence, 

Capt. Jolm Milledgc 

4. Music Columbia the Geiuol' theOeean 

5. Centennial Poem Col. J. A. Stewart 

6. Music Star Spangled Banner 

7. Oration Hon. Alex. H. Stephens 

8. Music Dixie 

When all were seated on the stage, 
and after an invocation of the blessing 
of the gieat Ruler of Nations by Rev. 
A. T. Spalding, D. D., and a stirring air 
by the band, Gov. James M. Smith 
arose and acknowledged the honor of 
presiding over the prceedings in the fol- 
lowing eloquent, pointed, and telling 
speech : 

GOV. smith's kejiarks. 

Fellow Citizens : I beg to express 
my thanks for the honor done in select- 
ing me to preside over your meeting to- 
day. Before entering upon the dis- 
charge of the duties assigned me, it 
will not be improper, periiaps, that I 
should make a few remarks upon the 
object of our meeting. We have met 
for the purpose of celebrating, with 
proper ceremony, the Anniversary of 
our National Independence. For cer- 
tain reasons, it lias not been 
held in the South in the 
last two years. Without pausing to 
remark on the causes of this, it would 
not be improper for me to say thus 
much, that this infrequency has not 
been due to a want of appreciation, upon 
the i>art of the South, of the prin- 
ciples of 1776. [Applause.] If 
any distinction should be made 
between the different people of this 
Union, we, the people of the South, are 
entitled to set up a special property in 
these principles. It was a Southern 
man who drafted the Declaration of In- 
dependence. [Applause.] It was a 
Southern man who conceived it. The 
same Southern man, in after years, 
molded the policy of the government, 
so that it grew up, within the period of 
ninetj'' years, to be the greatest nation 
upon the globe. Therefore, I do not al- 
low any ftian to deprive me of the priv- 
ilege of rejoicing in this Anniversary. 
I have no objection to others rejoicing 
also. But this platform is my platform 
as a Southern man. The Declaration 
of Independence is the declaration of 
principles on which I stand, and upon 
which the Southern people stand. I 



do not intend to say a word against the 
people of any section. If they have a 
mind to celebrate this day, so much the 
better. But one thing I will be careful 
of, and that is that their placing them- 
selves on this platform shall not induce 
me to abandon it. I will not forsake 
the truth becaiise others embrace it. 
We rather claim the Fourth of July 
among the Southern Institutions. We 
claim the platform of principles laid 
down in the Declaration of Independ- 
ence as a Southern platform. I am 
gla<l it is getting to be a Northern plat- 
form, also. [Apiilause.l They won't 
hurt my feelings by claiming it; I hone 
we shall not hurt theirs by celebrating 
it. [Applause and laughter.] 

Fellow-citizens, I shall not remark 
upon the unha])py divisions that have 
existed between the people oPthe Union. 
It would not be pi'oper to do it at this 
occasion. But let me say this to you, 
intelligent men everywhere are begin- 
ning to see signs of breaking day, so 
far as we are concerned. And let me 
say another thing, so far as the great 
masses of the ]<cople of the North are 
concerned there is really but very little, 
if an}'', difTerence between them and 
the Southern peop'le. (Applause.) I 
am glad to know that a disposition is in 
both sections to have the people meet, 
to have them mix together, talk to- 
gether, and compare their views. And 
let me tell you that when the people 
meet, and shake hands, the "soulless 
demagogues and the tricky politicians 
had better get out of the way. (Ap- 
l^lause.) For it is to the devices of this 
pestiferous class that the long estrange- 
ment and separation of the people of 
the South is due. I am happy to know 
that such occasions as this tend to heal 
the breach, for here is presented a plat- 
form that all can stand upon. If we 
agree upon nothing else, we agree in 
the truths set forth in the Declaration 
of Independence. Standing -upon that 
platform we can meet as friends, what- 
ever our difference may be u])on other 
questions in the paot. 

The programme of exercises will be 
announced by Captain Dell, chairman 
of the Committee of Arrangements. 

Thanking you again for the honor 
conferred upon me, and for the atten- 
tention .you have given me, I will now 
yield. (Applause.) 



THE OENTENNIAL POEM. 



When Governor Smith took his seat, 
tlie Reader of tiie day, Capt. John Mil- 
ledge, jjroceeded to the duty assigned 
him, and proved himself the possessor 
of a magnincent voice. Jt vvas prob- 
ably better heard than any one in all 
the" day's speaking. Tlie reading was 
done in a most happy and graceful man- 
ner. 

After music — the sweet old strains of 
"Auld Lang Syne" Captain Sidney 
Dell introduced Col. J. A. Stewart, the 
jjoet of the day, in the following 
speech : 

I have the pleasure of introducing to 
you, as the poet of the day, Col. James 
A. Stewart, a truly patriotic man, whose 
fine poeti frenzy does not obscure 
his clear judgment. Born and reared 
within a short distance of the Hermi- 
tage, he still retains his old principles, 
as a Jackson Democrat which he im- 
bibed for forty years under the teach- 
ings of old Hickory. The weight of 
years now rests upon his shoulders. 
Hear him for his cause, and be silent 
that you may hear. 

THE CENTENNIAL POEM 

was read by Col. J. A. Stewart, which 
we present as a marked feature of the 
occasion : 

The age now upon ns, like ages of old, 
Brings the sad dirge of liberty's faint sound- 
ing knell- 
Has the same blight and ruin of wars to unfold, 
And the same evil story of mankind to tell. 

Yet, power for good, has at times had the sway, 
And tyranny forced to submit to its might; 

A heroic struggle has oft won the day. 
And founded great forums of justice and 
right; 

And such was the contest, when patriots un- 
furled 
The banner of justice, and waved it on high, 
Proclaiming in Seventy-Six to the world, 
This laud should be free, or for freedom they'd 
die. 

The times were propitious. Good men in the 
lead. 
Conducted the struggle with hearts firm and 
pure, 
Supported by patriots, the time of great need. 
Was passed through in triumph and victory 
made sure. 

A Government then was ordained— setting forth 
The right of the people to make their own 
laws; 

And brief years of triumph of freemen on earth 
Gave hopes of success in the glorious cause. 

The kings of the East looked out on the West, 
Across tlie Atlantic where heroes had bled ;■ 

A coutinent wide, and a people so blest, 
Att'euted their hearts with emotions of dread. 



A Government just, and with leaders so pure. 
To guide and direct when the nation was 
young. 
Attracted the gaze of the tyrants afar. 
As songs met their ears of the triumphs we 
sang. 

Yes, a nation of States ! O, the grandest on earth ! 

E Pluribus Unmn— united yet free, 
Sprang forth in full vigor— uneradlod;;at3birth— 

" Divided as the billows, yet one as the.sea." 

The down-trodded millions, who felt tlie sad 
blight. 

Of tyrannies rule, and its burdens and pains, 
W^as charmed at the view of a prospect Sebright, 

To flee from oppression, its rivets and chains. 

A voice speaking out from our broad eastern 
shore, 
Proclaimed the glad tidings of comfort and 
cheer ; 
A land for the homeless had opened the door. 
Extending a welcome to homes with us here. 

The exile and friendless, here found an abode 
In the bright sunny plaius, or the shades of 
the dell, 
Or the western slopes, where the evening sun 
glowed ; 
Or down in the gorges where cataracts fell- 
Found homes on the margin of ocean or stream. 
And planted green meadows where bright 
waters are. 
They felt the enchantment of life's purest 
dream, , 

Enhanced by exemption from turmoil and 
war. 

EVIL PEESISTING. 

But evil persisting— a people so great. 

With years of fruition and prospects so bright, 
Gave way to the demon of partizan hate 

And reaped from the discord, affliction and 
blight. 

TO HEROES DEPARTED. 

Ye patriots and heroes ! awake ye no more ; 

Or if in the realms of a region more bnght. 
Return not your gaze, for tlie cause, as of yore, 

Has been veiled in the arrogant forays of 
might. .[Applause.] 

List not to our sorrows, nor hear their refrain ; 

Look not from above on this war-stricken land, 
Kor gaze on the sod o'er the dust of the slain. 

Who fell by the fratricide hand against hand. 

THE BLUE AND THE GRAY. 

Our mounds and our ditches, sad memories un- 
fold. 

And furnish the poet a subject or theme. 
O ! let us tread softly, the damp silent mould ; 

Awake not the soldier! Disturb not his dream! 

His place is now vacant, his life is all told— 
It IS iiov/ the sad burden of poetic theme ; 

Then let us tread lightly, the damp silent mould. 
Awake not liis slumber Disturb not his 
dream ! 

The Blue and the Gray now sleep under the 
mould ; 
Each fought for a cause he believed to be just; 
Each fell as a soldier, courageous and bold ; 
Awake not their slumber Disturb not their 
dust! [Applause. J 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



THE UNION AS IT WAS. 

Let US view the grand union of States as it was ; 
Let us think of the times of rejoicing and 
peat'e ; 
Of those wlio gave birth to the glorious cause, 
With hopes that its blessings should never 
more cease. 

Let us think of the commerce and freedom of 
States 
Secured by the Union when times were all 
?;ood; 
Ere discord and war, the decree of the fates, 
Had crimsoned the soil with eiTusions of 
blood— 

Ere fearful commotion and malice and spite, 
Engendered the forays of pi rtisan Hate ; 

And faction's ambitious, and might against 
right. 
Involved us in couflicts of State against State. 

Let us enter no more into bloodshed and strife; 

Let us light up the noon-beams of hope's 
brightest ray ; 
Let us seek to restore to our country new life, 

Kejoicing again in its proud natal day. 

THE CENTENNIAL GROUND. 

The Delaware River, receives from the east. 
On its liright rippling surface, the morning's 
first ray ; 

WJiilst the twilight of evening aud glow of the 
west. 
The Schuylkill reflects at the parting of day 

On the plain intervening, a city is thronged— 

The "City of Love"— Philadelphia— the same 
Which reechoed the Deals, and the cheerings 
prolonged. 
When hearts were in unison, flame kindling 
flame. 

When patriots had planted the Liberty Tree 
And clearly responded the sound of tlie bell, 

The shouts then arose from the land of the free, 
And the echoes returned like an anthem's 
grand swell. 

THE CENTENNIAL CALL. 

And now the same bell from the weather-stained 
dome 

Is soiniding aloud the Centennial call. 
On statesmen now living, and spirits of yore. 

To assemble again in tlie old natal hall. 

I see, as a dream, the great day is at hand, 
And I see in the distance the gathering throng; 

I see coming up from this broad, sunny land. 
Resolves for the riglit and forgiveness for 



I hear in the voices, returning to life. 
Resolves as of yore, when for justice they 
plead. 

And I see in the heroes who fell in the strife 
A smile of approval for blood they had shed. 

I see in the living great pledges renewed— 
Clonstilulional law is again to have sway ; 

And I see in the movements for peace here 
pursued, 
A tolien that evil is passing away. 



Great tears of regret for mistakes of the past, 
Here moisten the eye of the true and the 
brave ; 
And hands arc extended, with grip firm and 
fast. 
With hearts re- resolving their country to save. 

OLD LIBERTY HALL. 

The hall is yet standing— Old Liberty Hall ; 
And winds tlie old stairway up, up, strong^nd 
well. 
Where men bent with years, as a tear they let 
fall. 
Climb aloft to place hands on the old natal 
bell. 

The chasm is closing, the day shadows forth, 
And 1 see in the distance the gathering throng, 

I see coming up from the JS'orth and the .South. 
Resolves for the right, «n(l forgiveness for 
wrong. 

I see on the steeples and turrets above. 
Ten thousand bright banners in beauty un- 
furled ; 
Whilst upward— still upward in mansions of 
love. 
Are voices proclaiming peace ! peace ! to the 
world. 

With heart-throbs responsive, the sons of the 
North 
Rise out of the hates of the great erring past : 
Whilst the land of the South pours her chivalry 
forth, 
To be in at the christening, the Nation's new 
birth. 

THE STAR OF HOPE. 

I see, as a dream, in the distance beyond. 
The bright star of hope with its mild-beaming 
ray. 
Again shining forth to illumine the ground. 
Where tiie patriots rejoiced on the great natal 
day. 

I see ! Oh, I see ! in the regions above, 
As the glow of the evening's sun passes from 
view, 

The star spangled heavens, with tokens of love, 
To light up forgiveness and pledges renew. 

I see on the hill-tops and mountains the glare 
Of the bonfires blazing as liiazed they of yore ; 

And I hear in the echoe.«: resounding afar, 
In graver responses, the cannons deep roar. 

From the bright, sunny South to the lakes of the 
North— 

From ocean to ocean — o'ermountain and dell, 
I hear the refrain of rejoicing pour forth; 

In response to the tones of the Old Natal Bell. 

The babes at the bosoms receive the caress. 
In the arms of their mothers, as hopes are 
renewed ; 
Whilst tremulous hands of the grandsires press. 
And tlie promise of blessings is freely be- 
stowed. 

The sorrowful scenes of the more recent past 
Have saddened the heart with experience 
dear; 
Yet blessings spring forth where our sorrows 
were cast, 
And moisten the eye with the patriot's tear. 



MR. STEPHENS' SPEECH. 



THE CONSUMMATION 

My heart beats with hope; the great day 

lias shone forth ; 

And I .see in the distance the gathering throng; 

I see. coming up from the North and the South, 

Resolves for the right and forgiveness for 

wrong. 

I see, on tlie steeples and turrets above, 
Ten thousand bright banners in beauty un- 
furled ; 
Whilst voices come laden -with accents of love, 
And hand grasping hand— giving joy to the 
world. 

Ye spirits departed ! arise and come forth ! 

Or, if in the realms of a region of light, 
Keturn ye your gaze tothe land of your birth, 

For your cause is yet living, effulgent and 
bright 

The chasm has closed, and we hear the refrain 
From the hearts of the people — united and 
free — 

Proclaiming this country as o?jc shall remain— 
" Divided as billows, yet one as the sea." 

The event of the dav succeeded. The 
gray-haired " Sage of Liberty Hall," for 
whose silvery voice and golden words 
the vast throng had been patiently wait- 
ing, arose amidst a spontaneous burst 
of applause and began one of the no- 
blest efforts of his lite. It was a rare 
occasion, and rarely improved by the 
orator. It was a thrilling sight, for a 
volume of history was enrolled in the 
very form that stood before the listening 
thousands of his countrymen. It was 
one of the epochs in a patriot's life, 
which a patriot would most earnestly 
improve. It was an occasion of deep 
and silent musings to the beholder. 
Given the principal figures : a Fourth 
of July celebration in Georgia in 1875 ; 
the air of *' Dixie " floating on the 
breeze ; the Flag of the Union draping 
the scene, and Alexander H. Stephens, 
ex-Congressman, Vice-President, and 
present Congressman, now gra\% and 
feeble with age and infirmity, in tlie 
centre of tlie whole, and we do not won- 
der, despite the difficulty of hearing, 
the thousands of upturned faces were 
grave and attentive. It was not simply 
reverence for the speaker, though that 
was much, but they were silently re- 
ceiving grand lessons from tlie past 
througli one of its heroes, whose life 
was an epic, and whose presence was 
eloquence. 

Mr. Stephens was introduced by Capt. 
Dell in the following graceful manner: 

I have the pleasure of introducing to 
you, as the orator of the day, a man 



whose private virtues and public worth 
have made him a central figure of the 
American history of this era; a man 
whom future ages will bless as the au- 
thor of that twin Palladum of liberty, 
the "Constitutional view of the War be- 
tween the.States," which instructs those 
of mature years, and tfie school history 
of the United States which teaches the 
principles of liberty to the rising gen- 
erations; a man who was once a penni- 
less werie- boy, but whose persistent 
will triumphing over poverty, and pliys- 
ical ills, lie to-day upon his crutch gives 
direction to the thoughts of millions of 
liis fellows; a lover of the Union under 
the Constitution, but ever true to Geor- 
gia; the advocate of peace, and the un- 
alterable friend of the liberty of his.State; 
the eloquent orator, the sagacious states- 
man, the sage of jLiberty'Hall. Permit 
me to present the Hon. Alexander H. 
Stephens. 

Mr. Stephens then arose amidst the 
cheers of the multitude, and after si- 
lence was restored, said : 

This, fellow citizens, is no meaning- 
less show. It is no demonstration got- 
ten up'barely for scenic or less worthy 
effect. Its object is to do honor to the 
day on which, ninety-nine years ago, 
our ancestors proclaimed those truths 
and principles from the maintenance of 
which have sprung all our Free Institu- 
tions and everything that has added 
lustre to the renown of our country. In 
honoring the day we treasure a greatful 
and reverential remembrance of the 
deeds of our Fathei's. 

The occasion is one for thought, med- 
itation, reflection, and a close reckoning 
of facts and events — an examination 
into the balance-sheet of progress — rath- 
er than one of entertainment furnished 
by any display of rhetoric or oratory, 
even if your speaker possessed the re- 
quisite qualities and were in physical 
condition to attempt such a display. 
All he proposes to do, is to exhibit, 
as he promised you he would, if able, 
a manifestation of the earnest interest 
he feels in your demonstration, and ti)e 
profound sympathy that stirs within 
him in accord with your movement to 
keep alive, and perpetuate in memory, 
these great triiths and principles which 
have just been read in your hearing, 
and which lie at the foundation of the 
entire structure of our matchless sys- 



TSfi DAY IN A1*LANTA. 



terns of civil and religious liberty. The 
Fourth of July, 1776, was one of the 
grandest political epochs in the annals 
of mankind. Individuals had so writ- 
ten and spoken before, but it was re- 
served for our ancestors, on that day, 
to announce by the highest political 
authority — that is, the sovereign will of 
organized States — these true doctrines: 
"That all men are created equal," 
"that they are endowed by their crea- 
tor with certain inalienable rights," &c. 
— and "that to secure these rights. Gov- 
ernments are instituted among men, 
deriving tlieir just powers from the con- 
sent of the governed; that when any 
form of Government becomes destruc- 
tive of these ends, it is the right of the 
people to alter or abolish it, and to in- 
stitute a new Government, laying its 
foundation on such principles, and or- 
ganizing its powers in such form as to 
them shall seem most likely to effect 
their safety and happiness. 

These doctrines, if maintained and 
adiiered to by all similar bodies, as well 
as by all law-makers and law-exvound- 
ers, will secure "peace on earth and 
good-will to men;" or, as some render 
it, "peace on earth to men of good- 
will." 

In presenting such thoughts and re- 
flections as seem to be jjertinent to the 
object had in view by this imposing de- 
monstration, I shall pursue such 
method as my feebleness, under the 
pressure of crowding suggestions, may 
allow and direct. 

My theme is the paper you have just 
heard read — that Declaration of I'nde- 
pendence, with its truths, principles, 
and doctrine which were sent forth to 
the world on the ever-memorable birth- 
day of all real Constitutional Liberty, 
with the ringing of bells, the firing of 
cannon, and the joyous shouts from 
the hearts of millions, from the Pen- 
obscot to the Altamaha. 

This Declaiation, with its principles, 
embodies the text of all I shall attempt 
to say. Whatever reflections may be 
oflered in relation to the past, the pre- 
sent, or the future, will be closely per- 
tinent to the absorbing theme. 

Let us, in the outset, inquire into the 
nature and character of the pajier, the 
meaning of its language and principles, 
as well as the true purpote of its an- 
aouncemeuts. 



First, then, what is the meaning of 
the words — "that all men are created 
equal ?" Is it that all men are created 
equal in size — in physical, mental, or 
moral structure? Not at all. We all 
know this is not true. Does it mean 
that they are all equal in their individ- 
ual and social relations or rights ? That 
these relations and rights between 
parent and child, guardian and ward, 
employer and employed, teacher and 
pupil, governor and governed are all 
equal? Not at all. This meaning 
would destroy the very organization of 
society and defeat the objects for which 
all governments should be formed, as 
announced in the text. The great truth 
uttered by these words is that all 
men — all mankind — of \\hatever age, 
size, race, color or clime, have an equal 
right to justice in the administration of 
civil affairs, and that no one, however 
high, has any rightful power to Wrong 
another, however low. 

The Rule of Justice here laid down is 
the scripture Ivule — "As ye would that 
men should to you, do ye also to them 
likewise." 

Again, what is meant by the word 
"people," where it is announced that it 
is the right of the people to alter or 
abolish their form of Government when 
they think proper to do so? Does it 
mean any promiscuous mass of discon- 
tents ? Not at al] . It means the people 
of any organized State or Kingdom, 
speaking through their properly consti- 
tuted organic channels. It means, fur- 
ther, that all powers of Government are 
public trusts, and that all rightful j)ow- 
ers of Government emanate from the 
people composing any State, Kingdom, 
or Commonwealth; and that, it is the 
sovereign, uncontrollable right of every 
such State, so organized, to institute 
and maintain such forms of Govern- 
ment, founded on such principles and 
organized 'with such powers, as such 
State may think best for the protection 
of all the natural and inalienable rights 
of its constituent elements; and in such 
way as to each shall seem most likely 
to effect the safety, peace, and happiness 
of the entire!community. The doctrine 
is, that human beings, singly, are se- 
parate and distinct organisms, endowed 
by nature witli all those rights neces- 
sary for their individual safety and hap- 
piness; and that, as men, singly, cannot 



MR. STEPHENS' SPEECH. 



protect these rights as well as in organ- 
ized society, Governmentsare instituted . 
Society, so formed, con.stitutes an ag- 
gregate oi'ganism known as the State, 
which thereby becomes, a political and 
moral person, and that the sovereign 
riglits of this associated organism to e.K- 
ercise its tiduciary powers for the best 
interests of the wliole, is of the same 
character and with like limitations as 
the natural rights of the individual or- 
ganisms, as to each, singly, before thev 
entered into the social compact of Gov- 
ernment. So much on this i)oint. 

Again, is this a Declaration of Araei'- 
icau Independence, as it is so common.- 
ly styled? By no means. America 
embraces two continents. South as well 
as North. Was it the Declaration of 
the Independence of North America ? 
With equal emjjhasis, I repeat, by no 
means. It related to only a s jiall por- 
tion of the North American continent — • 
that small portion which embraced only 
some, not all, of the British Colonies 
established thereon. Was it a Declara- 
tion of the Independence of even those 
thirteen Colonies so embraced, merged 
and consolidated into one Nation, which 
is the more common, as well as the more 
insidious method of statement, for the 
purpose of perverting the true import ? 
Again, I reneat, with greater emphasis, 
by no means. Fai" from it. So do not 
speak the words. So does not stand the 
record ! 

Let us turn to tlie language of the text. 
We do "s')lemuly publish and declare 
that these united Colonies are, and of 
light ought to be Free and Indepen- 
dent states; that they are absolved from 
all allegiance to the British Crown, and 
that all political connection between 
them an(l the State of Great Britain is 
and ought to be totally dissolved, and 
that, as Free and Independent states, 
they have full power to levy v;ar, con- 
clude peace, contract alliances, establish 
commerce, and to do all other acts and 
things which Independent states may 
of right do." 

This was the declaration of the inde- 
pendence, not of a single nation, nor of 
a single State, but the joint declaration 
of the separate Independence of several 
States. Who was the "we" that made 
the declaration ? They were the Rep- 
resentatives of the then thirteen British 
Colonies of North America referred to, 



to-wit: New Hamj^shire, Massachusetts 
Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New 
York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Dela- 
ware, Maryland, Virginia, North Caro- 
lina, South Carolina and Georgia. The 
Representatives of these Colonies, in 
the name and behalf of the good people 
of the Colonies severally, and by the 
special authority of each Colony, given 
to its Delegation in the Congress of 
Colonies then assembled, published and 
declared that these thirteen United 
Colonies are and of right ought to be, 
not a Free and Independent Nation, but 
Free and Independent States, which was 
but another form of expression for de- 
v^laring that they are and of right ought 
to be Free and Independent Nations. 
The word State in this connection is 
but a synonym for Nation. It means 
any separate and distinct, self-sustain- 
ing Commonwealth, whatever be the 
form or nature of its Government, or 
the name it bears. In the very sen- 
tence in which it was declared that these 
former British Colonies were thereafter 
and of right ought to be Free and Inde- 
pendent States, the Kingdom of Great 
Britain is properly, in the same mean- 
ing, styled "the State of Great Britain." 
I speak from the record. 

The "we," therefore, that spoke and 
made the Declaration, were, in reality, 
the Colonies themselves, proclaiming 
the Declaration though their Represen- 
tatives — each Delegation being clothed 
with full power to do so by their several 
Colonies respectively. The very cap- 
tion of the paper, as it stands on the 
journals of the body that made it, is in 
these words: "In Congress, July 4th, 
1776. The unanimous Declaration of 
the Thirteen United States of America." 
It was the joint Declaration of the In- 
dependence of thirteen separate States, 
severally, of which Georgia was one. 

Who composed the Congress through 
which or by which the united colonies 
thus spoke ? What was the origin, the 
nature and powers of this body, and 
how did they thus become the United 
States of America ? This leads to a 
brief review of contemporaneous history 
outside the text, but which is necessary 
for a thorough understanding of its 
meaning. Be it remembered, then, that 
these thirteen colonies were distinct 
and separate political societies, planted 
or then existing under separate cha,r- 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



ters from the British Crown, whicli secur 
ed to each the full right of "perfect gov- 
ernment over all their local, internal 
affairs, respectively. In their organiza- 
tion they had no more relation to each 
other than have the present colonies of 
Jamaica and Australia ; and their po- 
litical relations toward the mother coun- 
try were not diff'erent from those which 
connected the Kingdom of Hanover in 
Germany with the Crown of England. 
All the British colonies in America or 
elsewhere acknowledged a common al- 
legiance to the same British Crown. 
This was the only connecting hnk be- 
tween them and the only tie that bound 
them in any way to the government of 
Great Britain. The ])eoples of these thir- 
teen American British colonies were no 
more subject to the control of the Britisli 
Parliament in the regulation of their 
internal municipal affairs, and no more 
subject to rightful taxation by the Brit- 
ish Parliament than were the people of 
Hanover. The People of Massachu- 
setts, under her chartered rights, stood 
in the same political relations towards 
England and her Parliament as did the 
}>eople of Hanover. So, likewise, stood 
the People of New Hampshire, Virginia, 
and all down to Georgia, the youngest 
and smallest in population on the list. 
All the colonies had grown up and 
prospered under the|acknowledgedand 
inestimable right of local self-govern- 
rnent, with exemption from all legisla- 
tion or taxation of other kinds — except 
such as receive their own voluntary 
consent. It was upon this principle 
that most of the emigrants hither had 
quitted the monarchical governments 
of the "old world," and had sought ref- 
uge in these colonies, where they could 
enjoy the great natural rights of civil 
andrreligious liberty as set forth in the 
paper we are commemorating. 

Upon these principles these thirteen 
colonies had sprung into existence un- 
der separatety organized governments 
within the period of a century 
and a half preceding, and had 
greatly prospered ; not, nowev- 
er, without many intervening struggles 
between them, the crown and the Par- 
liament, over the great essential rights 
upon which they were founded and to 
which their growth and prosperity 
were due. This struggle approached 
the culminating.crisis in 1864 — 65, upon 



the passage of what is known as the ' 
stamp act. By this act of Parliament 
all contracts, notes, deeds, bonds, writs ^ 
and public documents were required to 
be written on Government stamped pa- i 
per, which was to be sold by officials at 
a fixed high price; and from the sales of , 
which a large revenue was expected to 
be derived from the Colonies. The ex- 
citement produced by the passage of 
this act, especially in North Carolina, 
Massachusetts and Virginia, showed 
clearly that an attempt to enforce it . 
would lead inevitably to armed resist- I 
ance. Do not grow weary under a re- I 
hearsal of these details; they are necessa- ' 
ry for a full understanding of the text, 
and they lead to the life-springs of our 
institutions. 

In the month of May 1765, the House 
of Burgesses of Virginia passed their fa- 
mous resolutions declaring, (among oth- 
er things) the exclusive right of that 
Assembly to tax the inhabitants of that 
Colony. It was in the course of the de- 
bate on these resolutions that Patrick 
Henry, in one of his bursts of eloquence 
exclaimed : "Ctesar had his Brutus, 
Charles the first had his Cromwell, and 
George the Third" — (when 
being interrupted by the 

cry of "treason ! treason !" with an un- 
daunted eye upon the speaker, he con- 
tinued) "may profit by their example! 
If that be treason, make the most of 
it !" George the Third as well as the 
Parliament, did "profit," at least for a 
while, by these Resolutions, and simi- 
lar ones adopted by the Legislative As- 
sembly of Massactipsetts (known as her 
General Court); and the general spirit 
of armed resistance manifested through- 
out all the Colonies. Such was the 
discontent produced by this usurpa- 
tion that it was soon abandoned. The 
Act was repealed in March, 17^. The/p'<^^ 
principle upon which it rested, howev- 
er was not abandoned. The Parlia- 
ment still claimed the right and the 
power to bind the Colonies in all cases 
whatsoever. Other acts of like but 
less offensive character were passed. 
The struggle went on. All these other 
acts were also, after awhile, repealed, 
except one imposing a duty upon tea. 
This had but little effect in allaying the 
excitement. In 1773, the duty on tea 
was reduced to three pence per pound, 
which was less tax than the people of 



iMR. STEPHENS' SPEECH. 



Ensland paid on the same article. It 
was thought this would pacify the Col- 
onies. Far different, however, was 
the result. The conciliatory 

measure was based upon the odious, un- 
abandoned '" preamble," declaring "the 
right of the Parliament to bind the Col- 
onies in all cases whatsoever." This was 
a favorite doctrine of Lord North, then 
at the head of the Tory administration. 
With all of his disposition to conciliate, 
he would not yield this principle. His 
viewa of policy were founded upon the 
assumption that Parliament possessed 
the sovereign right to govern the Colo- 
nies in all cases whatsoever, if, in their 
judgment, circumstances should require 
it. Subject to this right, his policy was 
to conciliate as far as possible. This 
abstract principle was just what the 
colonies would not yield. The principle 
they maintained was, that taxes were 
the free contributions of the people, 
through their representatives, even in 
England, under Magna Charta ; and 
that taxation and representation should 
ever go together. In other words, that 
without being allowed representation in 
Parliament, they could not rightly be 
subject to taxation by that body. The 
struggle, therefore, still went on. 

At the ports of Philadelphia and 
New York, vessels laden with tea 
were not permitted to enter. In 
Charleston, South Carolina, the tea was 
landed, but stored away in damp cel- 
lars, where it was quietly permitted to 
rot. In Boston a party of men dis- 
guised as Mohawk Indians, boarded the 
ships laden with tea, broke open all 
the chests containing it, and cast their 
contents into the sea. In North Caro- 
lina, at Wilmington, a number of men, 
under the lead of Cornelius Harnett, 
John Ashe and Hugh Waddell, in open 
day, without any disguise, boarded a 
ship similarly laden, and destroyed the 
tea, while in Baltimore the obnoxious 
article met with similar fate. For all 
these outrages, so-called, Boston was 
the place selected by the Lord North 
Ministry to make an example of in the 
maintenance of their policy. This was, 
perhaps, because they had already 
collected there a considerable military 
force. Early in 177-1 the port of Boston 
was closed by an act of Parliament. 
The charter of the colony of Massachu- 
setts bay was soon after effectually abro- 



gated by another act of Parliament, and 
the Royal Governor was authorized to 
send persons accused of crime to Eng- 
land for trial. These acts of Parlia- 
ment caused an excitement, amounting 
to a fury in Massachusetts, which 
spread rapidly throughout the 
other colonies. The house of Bur- 
gesses of Virginia being in session in 
May, when the news of these Acts 
reached them, and before they had 
heard of the second, appointed the first 
day of June ensuing as a day of "fast- 
ing, humiliation and praver,'' and "to 
invoke the aid of Almighty God to 
save the liberties of the colonies." 
This was at the instance of Mr. Jeffer- 
son, then a member of that body. The 
royal governor, Lord Dunmore, imme- 
diately dissolved the House of Bur- 
gesses, for this act of disloyalty, as he 
considered it to be. Whereupon the 
members resolved themselves into a 
committee, organized an association, 
and passed resolutions declaring that 
the interests of all the colonies were 
equally concerned, and advising the 
appointment of a Virginia committee to 
consult with the other colonies on the 
expediency of holding a General Con- 
gress of all the colonies to devise means 
for their common protection. The at- 
tack upon the chartered rights of Mas- 
sachusetts might be followed by a like 
attack upon those of all the other colo- 
nies in turn. The Virginia Committee 
of Conference was appointed. It was at 
this time that the cry raised in 
the "Old Dominion" went through all 
the colonies — "The cause of Boston ia 
the cause of us all." The appeal of Vir- 
ginia was responded to favorably by the 
Colonies generally. Philadelphia was 
the place, and the 5th of September, 
1774, was the time, fixed upon for this 
convocation of the Colonies. The first ' 
thing settled by the body, on its meet- 
ing, was the nature of its own character 
and organization. It was settled to be 
a Congress of separate, distinct, politi- 
cal organisms. It was styled bv them 
"the Congress of the United Colonies 
of America." 

In all its deliberations, each Colony 
was to be considered as equal; and each 
was to have an equal vote on all ques- 
tions coming before it, without regard 
to size, wealth, population or the num- 
ber of delegates sent by them respec- 



'THE DAY IN Af LAK^TA, 



ti vely,for the object of all was the defense 
and preservation, by joint action and co- 
operation in council, of what was claim- 
ed to be the inestimable and inalienable 
right of each, that is, the absolute right 
of local, self-government. The vote on 
all questions was counted not pe?- capita, 
or according to the number of delegates, 
but by Colonies, (xeorgia was the only 
one of the thirteen not represent- 
ed in this, the first Congress of 
the Colonies named. The reason of 
this was her diftance from the- scenes 
of preparations, and the want of those 
facilities in the transmission of intelli- 
gence necessary for speedy organiza- 
tion. This Congress so originated, so 
constituted, and so organized, did their 
work well. They did all that could be 
honorably done to preserve their con- 
nection with the mother country, con- 
sistently with the maintenance of their 
own inestimable rights. In speaking of 
their acts, their addresses and their ap- 
peals, in setting forth these rights. Lord 
Chatham said, in the British Parlia- 
ment, "that though he had studied and 
admired the free States of antiquity, 
the master spirits of the world, yet, for 
solidity of reason, force of sagacity and 
wisdom of conclusion, no body of men 
could stand in preference to this Con- 
gress." 

Noble tribute, that, to their worth 
and their memory. 

This body finished its work in Octo- 
ber, 1774, with a recommendation to 
the Colonies to send delegations to an- 
other similar Congiess to meet at the 
same place the 10th of May, 
1775. _ All of the thirteen, including 
Georgia, responded to this call by send- 
ing duly elected representatives. The 
second Congress of the Colonies met in 
pursuance of the recommendation. The 
aspect of public atlairs had grown no 
better. The immense war preparations 
by the British Ministry clearly indicat- 
ed that the Lord North policy was to be 
carried out by the force of arms. Three 
tlionsand troops had been sent to Bos- 
ton as earlv as April, 1775. The battles 
of Concord and Lexington, the centen- 
nial anniversary of which has recently 
been celebrated with so much patriotic 
ardor, had been fought on the 19th of 
April, nearly a month before this Con- 
gress met ; and that of Bunker Hill was 
fought on the 17fh of June, a little oyer 



a month after their assemblage. Still 
the Colonies, so assembled in Congress, 
were anxious' to restore peace upon just 
principles if possible. Every means 
upon this line were resorted to to as- 
suage the temi^er of the Tory admin- 
istration in England. These were 
all of no avail. The fighting went on. 
On _ Jie 19th of June, Washington, at 
the instance of Massachusetts, was unan- 
imously appointed Commander-in-chief 
of_ the Colonial forces. He was com- 
missioned in the name of the United 
Colonies of America, the name of each 
colony being set forth in his commis- 
sion. 

This Congress of the United Colonies 
also issued an address, in which was set 
forth the reasons for repelling force by 
force. In this tliey said, among other 
things: "We have no wish to separate 
from the mother country." "We have 
not raised armies with ambitious designs 
of separating from Great Britain, and 
establishing independent States. We 
fight not for glory or for conquest." 
"Honor, justice and humanity forbid 
us tamely to surrender that freedom 
which we received from our gallant 
ancestors, and which our innocent 
posterity have a right to receive from 
us. We cannot enduie the infamy and 
guilt of resigning succeeding gener- 
ations to that wretchedness which in- 
evitably awaits them if we basely entail 
hereditary bondage upon them. In 
our native land, and in defense of the 
freedom which is our birth-right, and 
which we have ever enjoyed till the late 
violation of it, for the protection of our 
property, acquired solely by the honest 
industry of our forefathers and our- 
selves, against violence actually offered, 
we have taken up arms. We shall lay 
them down when hostilities shall 
cease on the part of the aggressors, and 
all danger of their being renewed shall 
be removed, and not before." 

It was already apparent to a far-see- 
ing few that no terms of redress or con- 
ciliation could be obtained by the Colo- 
nies, consistently with what they deem- 
ed their indefeasible rights, even as 
British subjects, upon the principles 
guaranteed by Magna Charta. Still hope 
against hope was indulged by 
many during the fall and win- 
ter of 1775-76. In the meantime, 
the British army was greatly reinforced, 



MR. STEPHENS' SPEECH. 



There had been ordered to America a 
large fleet of ships, with 32,000 troops, 
well equipped with provisions and all 
munitions of war. 

Early in the Spring of 1776 Washing- 
ton wrote from the head of the Coloni- 
forces at New York : "A reconcilia- 
tion with Great Britain is impossible. 
When I took command of the army I 
abhorred the idea of independence ; but 
now I am fully satisfied that nothing 
else will save us." 

Events swift in succession soon ver- 
ified the correctness of his conviction. 
Soon after, a formidable fleet, with a 
large army, appeared off Charleston 
harbor, South Carolina, shoM'ing that 
the war cloud was to burst upon the 
South as well as upon the North ; and 
that nothing short of general subjuga- 
tion was determined upon. It w'as on 
the 28th of June, 1776, that the great 
battle of Fort Moultrie was fought. 
in which the gallant Colonel 
whose name the Fort bore and under 
whose skill it had been hastily erected, 
with five hundred Carolinians achieved 
a most brilliant victory on the Colonial 
side, against most formidable odds com- 
manded by the British Major-General, 
Henry Clinton, and Admiral Sir Peter 
Parker. 

Civil action, in the meantime, was 
keeping pace with the military. The 
last alternative, the sovereign inde- 
pendence of the Colonies, was pressing 
to an issue. On the 7th of June, after 
the British troops had been sent to 
Charleston, but before the great victory 
of Col. Moultrie kad been achieved, 
Richard Henry Lee, a Delegate from 
Virginia in the Congress of the Colo- 
nies, moved a Resolution embracing 
. two great ends. Tlie first was: "That 
. i these United Colonies are, and of a 
i I right ought to be, free and independent 
J I States ;" and the second branch of the 
if same resolution was: "That a plan 
■ of Confederation be pre]>ared and 
transmitted to the respective Colo- 
nies for their consideration 
and approbation." 

This resolution was adopted on the 
11th of June. The vote upon it, as 
upon all other questions, was taken by 
Colonies. Two Committees were ap- 
pointed under it — one to prepare the 
Declaration of Independence of the 
United Colonies as Free ap.d Indepen- 



dent States, and the other to prepare 

Articles of Union for Confederation be- 
tween them as such States. The Com- 
mittee to prepare the Declaration of 
Independence — that paper which you 
have just heard read, and which is the 
theme of this discourse — (consisted of 
Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia ; John 
Adams, of Massachusetts ; Benjamin 
Franklin, of Pennsylvania ; and Robert 
R. Livingston, of New York. This 
Committee reported that Declaration 
on the 28th of June — the very day on 
which the arras of South Carolina had 
been so triumphant at Fort Moultrie, 
but the news of which did not reach 
Philadelphia for many days afterwards. 
(There were no telegraph, no steam lo- 
comotion, nor even speedy stage- 
coaches in those days.) These and 
other grander results, which till up the 
full measure of the glory of our history, 
are but the fruits of what our noble 
common ancestors were then doing in 
the council chambers, as well as on the 
battle-fields. They have long since 
passed away, but their deeds still live, 
and will live forever. All honor to 
their memories now, and for all time to 
come. 

But not to wander from the text. 
Please still be patient with details of 
facts. All the Colonies had, anterior to 
the 28th of June, duly empowered their 
delegations in the Congress, in their 
name and behalf, severally, to vote for 
the declaration, except New York, Del- 
aware, and Pennsylvania. Massachu- 
setts had done so as early as January, 
'76 ; but North Carolina had taken the 
lead of all her sisters in this respect. 
As early as the 20th of May, 1775, the 
day after receiving the news of the 
battle of Lexington, she put forth her 
(■elebrated Mecklenburg manifesto, in 
which she, for herself, singly, threw off" 
all allegiance to the British Crown ; and 
declared North Carolina to be a sov- 
erign and independent State. From that 
time onw-ard the royal authority ceased 
to be exercised within her limits. Ili.j 
Majesty's then Governor, Josiah Mai- 
tin, was immediately compelled by the 
patriotic masses of Wilmington, and of 
the lower waters of the Cape Fear, to 
seek safety on board the "Cruiser," a 
British war ship lying in port. Froiu 
that time on she exercised all the fuuc- 
tious of perfect government over her 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



internal affairs, though she continued 
to hold her position in the Congress of 
United Colonies for the maintenance 
of the common cause and the conduct 
of all extra State and foreign affairs. 
She also, in April, 1776, empowered her 
delegation in the Congress to join the 
other delegations in the common Dec- 
laration. Georgia had done the same 
in April, South Carolina in March, 
Rhode Island in May, New Hampshire 
in June, New Jersey in June, and 
Maryland in June. New York, 
Pennsylvania and Delaware were 
the last so to authorize and 
empower their delegations so 
to act It was well known that such 
instructions and powers would be given 
by them, and might be on the way, but 
had not reached Philadelphia on the 
28th of June, when the declaration was 
reported by Mr. Jefferson, the chair- 
man of the committee. Action on it, 
therefore, was deferred, for a few days, 
until such instructions and powers 
should be received by the delegations 
from the three last-named colonies. 
The instructions and powers came with- 
in the time, according to expectation ; 
and the question upon the declaration 
came up for final disposition on the 
fourth day of July, when it was voted 
on by colonies and received the sanc- 
tion, not only of every one of the thir- 
teen colonies, but of every one of the 
representatives in the respective delega- 
tions present. You now more clearly see 
and understand who the " We " was 
who declared the United Colonies to be 
Free and Independent States. You see 
from the facts that it was in reality the 
Colonies themselves. We thus see, 
also, how the " United Colonies of 
America " became the " United States 
of America," or, at least, how the Decla- 
ration came to be made. 

A further brief sketch of historical 
contemparaneous events will be neces- 
sary to see how this great fact, so de- 
clared, wasafterward acknowledged and 
established. Bear with me, therefore, 
in these minute details. They are im- 
portant points in our history, which 
should be deeply impressed upon the 
minds of every one devoted to the in-, 
stitutSons of his country. This is 
the day and this is the occasion 
for reviving them in the memo- 
ries of the old, and fixing them in the 



minds of the young. All who are lov- 
ers of liberty should recollect that three 
things are essentially necessary for the 
preservation of free, popular institu- 
tions. First. The people must under- 
stand the nature and the history of 
their Government. Second, They must 
be devoted to the principles of its or- 
ganic structure, and third, they must 
zealously use every effort to make the 
administration conform to these princi- 
ples. In other words, the permanency 
of all free representative Governments, 
(as our complex systems are,) depend 
chiefly upon the degree of intelligence, 
virtue and patriotism possessed by the 
people. Without these essential requi- 
sites no free government can last long. 
Knowledge, education, is the first, and 
especially education in, or knowledge of 
the great facts of their own history. 

Now, then, in connection with 
the subject of my theme, 
be it remembered, further, and deeply 
impressed in your minds, that the com- 
mittee appointed under the second 
branch of Richard Henry Lee's resolu- 
tion made their report of Articles of 
Union and Confederation between the 
States so declared to be free and inde- 
pendent, on the 12th day of July, just 
eight days after the Declaration of their 
Independence had gone forth with such 
joyous acclaim. These articles of union 
formed the first Constitution of the 
United States of America. The first of 
these articles set forth the names of the 
States and the style of the confedera- 
tion as before adopted ; and declared 
that the Union undar the articles was 
to be perpetual. The second of these 
articles is in these words : 

"Article II. Each State retains its 
sovereignty, freedom, and indepen- 
dence, and every power, juris- 
diction, and right which is not, 
by this Confederation, expressly dele- 
gated to the United States in Congress 
assembled." 

All the others, thirteen in number, 
were in conformity to the principles an- 
nounced in the second. By them, 
eighteen great sovereign powers were 
delegated by each State, severally, to all 
the States in Congress assembled, in- 
cluding the war power, the treaty power, 
the money-coining power, the power to 
borrow money, the power to build and 
equip a Navy, the power to establish 



MR. STEPHENS' SPEECH. 



post-offices, the power to appoint Courts 
for the trial of certain crimes against the 
laws of nations, the power to tix the 
number of landforce which each State 
was to furnish, and the quota or amount 
of taxes each was to raise, and the 
power to appropriate the money so 
raised, for the public expenses, the com- 
mon defense and general welfare. 

These thirteen .States, so united, 
under these articles of Union and Fed- 
eral compact, battled for their right of 
independence for seven long years. The 
conflicts at Concord, Lexington, Ticon- 
deroga and Crown Point, Bunker Hill 
and Fort Moultrie, were but the prelude 
of those at Fort Washmgton, Trenton, 
Princeton, Bennington, Saratoga, Bran- 
dywine, Germantown, Monmouth, Ket- 
tle Creek, Brier Creek, Augusta, Savan- 
nah, Camden, King's Mountain, Eutaw 
Springs, and the crowning victory of 
Yorktown. Suffice it, on this occasion, 
to say, that the whole ultimately re- 
sulted in the abandonment by Great 
Britain of her attempt to subjugate the 
colonies, and her final acknowledgment, 
on the 3d of September, 1783, of the 
great fact of their independence as 
States. Her recognition of their inde- 
pendence was not that of a consolidated 
nation, but that of each State, severally, 
by name. The words of the recogni- 
tion are these : 

"His Brittanic Majesty acknowledges 
the said United States, viz: New 
Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode 
Island and Providence plantation, Con- 
necticut, New York, New Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
North Carolina, South Carolina and 
Georgia to be Free, Sovereign and Inde- 
pendent States ; that he treats with 
them as such ; and for himself, his heirs 
and successors, relinquishes all claim to 
the government, proprietary and territo- 
rial rights of the same, and every part 
thereof." 

This grand, final result is properly in 
the range of subjects for our commemo- 
ration to-day. From what has been 
said we have an outline view, not only 
of the origin but of the nature and 
character of the Free Institutions 
under which we live. Another in- 
cident or fact in our history, connected 
■with these matters may be pertinently 
revived in your memories on thi.^ occa- 
sion. On the day, the anniversary of 



which we now celebrate, after the Dec- 
laration of the Independence of the Thir- 
teen States was carried with such joy- 
ous unanimity, a motion was made in 
the new Congress of States for the ap- 
pointment of a committee to report a 
device for a seal of "the United States," 
to be used on their public documents. 
The committee appointed consisted of 
Mr. Jeflferson, Dr. Franklin, and John 
Adams. The device reported by them 
was designed to be emblematic and 
symbolical in its character. In all ages 
from Moses down, the wise and the 
good have resorted to emblems and 
symbols as the most efficient means of 
impressing great historical facts and 
truths upon the popular mind. The 
leading emblem of the device they 
agreed upon was the ancient viarrior's 
shield, upon which they placed six lon- 
gitudinal sections, intended to designate 
the SIX European countries from which 
the United States had been chiefly peo- 
pled, to-wit: England, Scotland, Ire- 
land, France, Germany, and Holland. 
In drawing these six sections on the es- 
cutcheon or shield's figure seven spaces 
of the original color were, of course, 
left, which accounts for the thirteen ap- 
parent bars or stripes. To this was 
subsequently added thirteen stars to 
represent, in the political firmament of 
the world, this new constellation of thir- 
teen separate, distinct, and sovereign 
independent States. The eagle was 
placed among the emblems, not only 
because of its ethereal flights, but be- 
cause of its dauntless, indomitable 
spirit. To the whole design, finally 
adopted, was added the finishing mot- 
tc, "E Pluribus Unum" — that is, one of 
many, or one Federal Government out 
of several independent States. The 
great seal of the United States so re- 
mains to this day. The stars and 
stripes on this seal, with all their em- 
blematic meaning, were, in the year af- 
terward — 1777 — transferred to the com- 
mon flag. AVherever that flag has been 
unfurled since, this is the true meaning 
of the emblems it has borne. AVher- 
ever, to-day, it is given to the breeze — 
in whatever distant sea it may be now 
hoisted in commemoration of the event 
we are now celebrating, these are the 
truths which its symbol language pro- 
claims. In response to that language, 
so emblazoned upon its folds, who in 



TH^ DAY IN" ATLANTA. 



the South or the North, or the East or 
the West, or what devotee of Uberty on 
earth cannot greet it with expressions 
of joy and of hope ? The next great step 
in tne progress of the history of our 
country which is intimately connected 
with the subject of our theme, was the 
revisal of the Articles of the first Con- 
stitution of the States so united, which 
took place in 1787. The leading defect, 
or " vice," as Hamilton called it, in the 
ft-st Articles of Confederation was the 
want of the delegation, by the several 
States to all the States in Congress as- 
sembled, of the power to levy taxes di- 
rectly upon the people of the several 
States for the purpose of raising the 
necessary supplies to meet the gen- 
eral expenses and sustain the public 
credit. Under the first Articles the 
States in Congress assembled could only 
fix the proportionate quota of contribu- 
tion to the common public fund, 
which each State was to raise un- 
der her own machinery of taxa- 
tion. This, experience had shown 
was a great practical evil in many ways. 
Some of the States were too slow in per- 
forming their duties under their consti- 
tutional obligations. Some, in raising 
their quota, in part at least, resorted to 
direct taxation upon the people, while 
others, resorted to duties upon 
products imported from for- 

eign countries. The amount of these 
duties upon the same kind of products 
or imports varied in different States. 
From this sprung another evil of no lit- 
tle magnitude in the prosperous and har- 
monious workings of the system. It 
appeared to be manifestly best for all 
the states in Congress assembled to 
have the power delegated to them to 
regulate trade and commerce with for- 
eign nations as thej^ then had it, as to 
the Indian tribes. To remedy these de- 
fects and a few others, another convo- 
cation of the States was called. Il was 
under a resolution passed by the Con- 
gress on the 21st of February, 1787, and 
is in these words : 

"Resolved, That in the opinion of 
Congress, it is expedient that on the 
second Monday in May next, a conven- 
tion of delegates, who shall have been 
appointed Fy the several States, be held 
at Philadelphia, for the sole and express 
purpose of revising the Articles of Con- 
federation, and reporting to Congress, 



and the several Legislatures, such alter- 
ation and provisions therein as shall, 
when agreed to in Congress, and con- 
firmed by the States, render the Feder- 
al Constitution adequate to the exigen- 
cies of government and the preserva- 
tion of the Union." 

All the States except Rhode Island 
responded to this call, and sent delegates 
clothed with j>lenary powers under the 
terms of the resolution. The Conven- 
tion metin old Independence Hall, on 
the 14th of May, 1787. It was the most 
august body of jurists, legislators and 
statesmen that was ever assembled upon 
the continent of America. Washington 
was its President. The new Constitution 
of 1787 was the result of their work. In 
it the two new powers mainly desired 
were delegated, with a very few others 
of much less importance — such as the 
power to establish a uniform system of 
Bankruptcy and Naturalization through- 
out all the States. No radical change 
was made in the nature of the govern- 
ment. All its Federal or Confederated 
features were retained. Its most 
striking changes are those which pro- 
vided for a division of all the sovereign 
powers delegated, and the proper ma- 
chinery for their execution within 
their limited sphere. The legislative, 
judicial and execuUve powers were 
separated and placed in the hands of 
three separate, distinct, and indepen- 
dent Departments. The Legislative 
Department was also divided into two 
branches — the Senate and the House. 
Before, the Congress consisted of but 
one body. Two separate branches, act- 
ing independently of each other, now 
constitute the Congress of the States. 
They act each as a check upon the 
other, but the concurrent action of both 
is necessary upon all measures of a 
legislative character. When this con- 
vention of the States met for a revision 
of the articles of the then Federal Con- 
stitution, their proceedings were by no 
means harmonious. Some of the 
most influential members in it were 
for totally disregarding their instruc- 
tions, and the powers with which 
they were clothed, and for submitting a 
plan of Government doing away entire- 
ly with the Federal system and substi- 
tuting in its place one consolidated Re- 
public. They were for blending the 
separate stars of the constellation into 



Mfi. STEPHENS' SPfetiCEt. 



one ; and for making a sort of Sirius in 
the firmament instead of the Pleiades, 
that beautiful constellation which, by 
some astronomers, is supposed to be 
the centre of the whole Cosmos. Had 
the vote in this connection been taken 
per capita, their scheme would have 
prevailed; but, in this Convention, 
as in the Congress, the vote on 
all questions was taken by 
States. The smaller States would not 
yield their sovereign right to control all 
their internal municipal afi'airs as they 
pleased, nor would they agree to any 
plan that would not secure to every 
State an equal vote under the new or- 
ganization proposed, either in the Sen- 
ate or House, upon all matters even of 
general legislation, under the specific 
and limited powers delegated. 

In this contest, after various attempts 
at compromise, the smaller States ulti- 
mately succeeded. An equality of votes 
was allowed in the Senate to each State, 
however small or however large. So 
tiiat now, as before, no legislative act of 
Congress can pass against a majority of 
Scates voting in the Senate. So 
the record stands. These most 
striking new features in the 
present Constitution wei-e founded upon 
a totally new idea in i>olitical science. 
This new idea was due to the great phil- 
osophical mind of Mr. Jefi'erson, (he 
was then Minister to France,) but the 
idea was embodied in suggestions by 
him to Mr. Madison in a letter written 
the 16th of December, 1786, when the 
call for a Convention of the States to 
revise their Articles of Union was un- 
der consideration. 

Among other things in that letter, he 
said : " To make us one nation, as to 
foreign concerns, and keep us distinct 
in domestic ones, gives the outline of 
th« proper division of powers between 
the General and particular Govern- 
ments. To enable the Federal head to 
exercise the powers given it to 
best advantage, it should be or- 
ganized as the particular ones 
are, into Legislative, Executive and 
Judiciary." 

It is this new feature in our present 
Constitution which has excited the 
wonder and ama/ement, as well as ad- 
miration, of tike most learned philoso- 
phers and statesmen of the world. It 
was this which caused De Tocqueville to 



say that the Constitution of the United 
States • was different from all Federal 
Constitutions which preceded it, and 
rested "upon a wholly novel theory, 
which may be considered as a great 
discovery in Modern Political Science." 
It is the same to which Lord Brougham 
refers in liis Political Philosophy when, 
speaking of the Government of the [ 
United States, he says that this I 
system of a Federal Union, "where I 
the rights and powers of the | 
individual States are maintained en- \ 
tire, is the very greatest refinement in a 
social policy to which any state of cir-? 
cumstances has ever given rise, orto« 
which any age has ever given birth."! 
What son of the sires who pledged| 
their common lives and fortunes toes-f 
tablishsuch a system of liberty cannot |5 
but exult this day in the grandeur of 
the deeds of his noble ancestors ? 

The theme invites many moi'e perti- 
nent details for this day's commemora- 
tion, but time will not allow full refer- 
ence to them all. Suffice it to say that 
the new Constitution, so framed by the 
convention, was reported to the Con- 
gress of the States, and being approved 
by them, was submitted to the several 
States to be approved and ratified by 
them before it should go into operation. 
The last article of the new Constitution 
so proposed, declared that : "The rati- 
fication of the conventions of nine 
States shall be sufficient for the estab- 
lishment of this Constitution between 
the States so ratifying the same." 

The ninth State that ratified it was 
New Hampshire. This was on the 21st 
of June, 1788. The news of this tilled 
the country generally with joy. The 
ratification of Virginia, the lUth State, 
was on the 25th of the same month. 
The news of this event reached Phila- 
delphia the 2nd day of July. The joy was 
inexpressible It was now settled that 
the Federal government was to go into 
operation under the new Constitution 
and new organization on the 4th of 
March, 1789, as Congress had provided. 
A grand celebration of the -Ith of July 
was immediately resolved upon, and a 
magnificent demonstration it was. The 
procession, extending for miles, was 
filled with elaborate emblamatical rep- 
resentations. It was a long, pageant 
of banners of trades and devices. 
A decorated car bore the Constitution, 



tut i)AY m ATLANTA. 



framed as a banner and hung upon a 
staff. Then another decorated car car- 
ried the American Flag. Tlien follow- 
ed the Judges in their robes, and all the 
public bodies, preceding a grand Federal 
Edifice, which was borne in a carriage 
drawn by ten horses. 

What lessons and truths were im- 
pressed upon the popular mind by these 
allegorical repi'esentations ? The ten 
horses that drew the Federal Edifice 
were evidently designed to represent 
the ten States by which the new Con- 
stitution had been ratified, and by which 
it was to be borne, upheld, kept, pre- 
served and maintained, as a Federal 
Compact between them whether the 
other three joined them or not. 

Are these small matters to bring forth 
upon this occasion ? Far from it. They 
are the deep foot-prints of truth im- 
pressed upon our earlier history, fixing 
the character of our unparalleled Sys- 
tem of Institutions, which assertion can 
never obliterate, argument can never 
remove, sophistry can never obscure, 
time can never erase, and which even 
wars can never destroy. They stick to 
the very fragments ol the primitive 
rocks of our political formation; and 
have only to be dug up and shown, with 
their unerring inscriptions, to utterly 
refute all false theories to the contrary. 
This is the time, and this is the occa- 
sion for exhibiting at least a few of 
them. We should ever discriminate 
I between the principles of a Govern- 
ment and the acts of its administration. 
Entire devotion to the one is not at all in- 
consistent with stern opposition to the 
other. 

This is a Centennial period ! The day 
we celebrate is not only the ninety- 
ninth anniversary of the Declai-ation of 
the Independence of the United States, 
but also the one-hundredth, or Centen- 
nial anniversary of the day on which 
Georgia, for the first time, commenced 
organized resistance against British tax- 
ation without representation. It was 
on the 4tb day of July, 1775, that her 
duly elected delegates met in Conven- 
tion in Savannah, for the purpose of 
linking her fortunes with those of the 
other Colonies. Doubly dear, therefore, 
should this commemoration be to us. 
A little incident attending that Conven- 
tion should not be forgotten while con- 
sidering their other noble acts and j 



deeds. A vessel from London, laden 
with 13,000 pounds of powder, and oth- 
er articles for the British troops, ar- 
rived at Tybee. It was determined to 
seize the ship and use its contents in 
Colonial defense, rather than permit 
them to be used for the subversion of 
Colonial rights. It was accordingly seized 
by about thirty men. The cargo was 
secured, and five thousand pounds of 
the powder were sent by the Convention 
to their patriot brethren at Boston, who 
had lost the battle of Bunker Hill for 
want of ammunition. Amongst those 
who distinguished themselves in this 
exploit were Col. Joseph Habersham, 
(whose blood fiows in the veins of your 
reader to-day), and Ebenezer S. Piatt, 
whose names should be handed down 
to posterity for their gallant deeds on 
that occasion. 

Rut there are other considerations 
which give this demonstration here, to- 
day, at the seat of government of Geor- 
gia an unusual importance. This, I 
have said, is a centennial period. The 
grand demonstrations in honor of the 
hundredth anniversary of the destruc- 
tion of the tea at Eos Ion and Baltimore, 
which took place last winter, and of the 
battles of Concord, Lexington and Bun- 
ker Hill, in Massachusetts : and of the 
Mecklenburg declaration in Charlotte, 
North Carolina, which have recently 
so stirred and thrilled the hearts of the 
friends of constitutional liberty through- 
out the length and breadth of the whole 
land ; and which have brought the dif- 
ferent sections into more harmonious 
accord, by awakening the recollections 
of the noble deeds of a common ancestry 
in a common struggle for those common 
principles of local self-government upon 
which the whole structure of our 
institutions rests, are but a pre- 
lude of that grander centennial cel- 
ebration of the anniversary of 
this Declaration which is to 
come off next year in Philadeldhia. 
The question is mooted whether or not 
we shall be represented in that celebra- 
tion, and whether or not Georgia shall 
take part in those most imposing cere- 
monies to be witnessed by representa- 
tives from all of the great Powers of the 
earth. In answer to this question, I 
reply, with all the emphasis I can com- 
mand — yes! What more fitting occa- 
sion than the one proposed could be 



MR. STEPHENS' SPEECH. 



planned for a general gathering to- 
gether of the people of the whole 
(country, as nearly en mtuse 
as possible, to consider the ori- 
gin and nature of their instituti<,)ns. an<l 
to contemplate the workings of them 
in their past career, especially when 
administered upon the principles on 
Avhich they were founded ! On such an 
occasion the minds of all would natural- 
ly be inclined to indulge in a review of 
the past. The first outlook of such a 
retrospect would exhibit the wonderful 
progress made during a period of over 
three-quarters of century, extending 
from the date of the Declaration of In- 
dependence, down to a point just ante- 
rior to the late war. The career of these 
States in growth, prosperity, happiness, 
harmony, and all that characterizes 
high civilization, within this period was 
such as to command the admiration of 
the world. In 177(5 the extent 
of their territory was less than a mil- 
lion miles. At their eighth decade it 
was near four million miles. In the 
l)eginning the States themselves were 
thirteen in number, now there are thir- 
ty-eight. Their aggi-egate population 
in 1776 was but about three million. In 
1876 it will not be much if any under 
fifty millions. The tonnage of all the 
States in 1789 was only a little over half 
million, while in 1860, just before the 
war, it was above six nnllions. In the 
same year, 1789, when the Government 
went into operation under the new Con- 
stitution, and took charge of the foreign 
commerce, the annual exjjorts amount- 
ed in value to a little over nineteen 
millions of dollars, and the imj)orts to 
a little over twenty-nine millions. — 
These figures have since risen on both 
sides to near six hundred millions of 
dollars. In 1800, the begiiming of the 
present century, there wei'e but about 
two hundred newspapers i>ublished in 
the United States, while at this time 
the number cannot be much if any un- 
der five thousand, circulating in the 
aggregate many millions of copies. The 
increase in the number of colleges, and 
other institutions of learning has been 
with equal, if not greater proportion. 
When the States set out in their career 
there was no such a thing as a steam 
engine in the workshops, or on 
the railroads, or on the river, 
or on the ocean ; nor was there 

3 



any such thing as the magnetic tele- 
graph known in the Morld. Time for- 
bids minute details in these particulai's, 
and a specification of how much is due 
to American genius for all the wonder- 
ful inventions and discoveries of the 
age. It may, however, be stated with 
confidence that, for nearly ninety years 
from the date of the declaration of their 
independence and their entering into 
their first union, ilown to the breaking 
out of the late most lamentable war be- 
tween them, no people in the annals of 
history made a more brilliant career in 
all that secures libeity, prosperity and 
ha{)piness, and adds dignity, power and 
renown to nations than did the peoples 
of tlie United States of America. Eome, 
in the acme and splendor of her gloiw, 
after five centuries of growth and de- 
velopment, from the expulsion of her 
kings, did not surjiass the point of na- 
tional greatness to which these States 
had attained in less than one, after they 
freed themselves from the British crown. 
Rome, the most renowned of ancient 
republics, it is said, fell at last by the 
weight of empire. This, under lier 
system of extension, was inevitable. 
She was a single republic. In her 
growth and extension she did not re- 
cognize the federative principle. In ex- 
tending her jurisdictioji over neighbor- 
ing States, by not adopting this prin- 
(UY)le and securing the sovereign right 
of local self-government to all distinct 
Commonwealths thus falling within 
her limits, but by assuming to herself 
absolute dominion over them, she nec- 
essarily became a Centralized Em]>ire, 
with ultimate despotism as a necessary 
consequence. The United States, on 
the contrary, are founded on the ex- 
actly opposite principle. They do not 
constitute a single Republic, but a Fed- 
eral Republic. We have seen that they 
are "one of many ;" that is, one Re- 
public of many or several Republics. 
This Conventional Republic, the "E 
Pluribus Uxum," is indeed a nation, 
and a natioh of the highest type ; that 
is, a nation of States ; or, as said before, 
a Nation of Nations I No danger is to 
be apprehended from extension on this 
principle. The great Centennial Anni- 
versary will be a i^ost suitable and fit 
occasion for reviving the memory of 
these facts in the minds of all, while 
jointly commemorating those deeds of 



THE DAY IN ATLANTA. 



a common ancestry to which these 
great results aie due. If any of the 
sons of these ancestors, on either side, 
shall find that in their late most san- 
guinary and lamentable strife thex de- 
l)arted^ by error in judgment or by mis- 
guided zeal in patriotic purpose, from 
the principles and the landmarks, the 
teachings and the oracles of the 
fathers, what more fitting occasion 
could be ofTered for mutually profiting 
by heeding the injunction of Jefferson, 
the chief apostle of Liberty in his age, 
who said, if we should ever "wander 
from those principles in moments of 
error or alarm, we should hasten to re- 
trace our steps and to regain the road 
which alone leads to peace, liberty and 
safety." 

I would say, let this re-union -of the 
devotees of Constitutional Liberty, from 
all the States, be like that of the re- 
union of the children of Israel, who, af- 
ter all their suflfe rings in captivity on 
account of their departure and wander- 
ings from the principles written in the 
Book of the Law, assembled in Jerusa- 
lem on the great Sabbatical Anniversary 
of the Festival of Tabernacles. This 
Festival, as Moses had enjoined, was to 
take place on the first day of the sev- 
enth month in every year, besides the 
Sabbatical observances of it, but in 
their wanderings from the true faitti, it 
had been neglected for four hundred 
and ninety years. It was in their hu- 
miliation, on their return from Babylon, 
that they were summoned to a revival 
of this Festival, at which the Book of 
the Law, their Constitution, was to be 
read according to the injunction of Di- 
vine inspiration. It was then 
that all the people gathered to- 
gether, as one man, near the 
shrines of their ancient altars, and 
" spake unto Ezra, the scribe, to bring 
the Book of the Law of Moses, which 
the Lord had commanded to Israel. 
And Ezra, the priest, brought the law 
before the congregation, both of men 
and women, and all that could hear 
with understanding, upon the first day 
of the seventh month." He read there- 
from from the " moining until mid- 
day " and "the ears of ail the people 
were attentive unto the Book of the 
Law," and " all the People wept when 
they heard the words of the law." This 
was done from day to day for seven 



days. " From the days of Joshua, the 
son of Nun, unto that day, had not the 
children of Israel done so." 

Let our centennial be of like charac- 
ter. Let the "Book of the Law" — our 
Constitution — with the teachings and 
records of the Fathers, and all of our 
common sacred oracles be brought forth, 
read and explained to the vast multi- 
tudes there assembled from every State 
in the Union, let these ceremonies be 
continued and repeated for every day 
for a whole week, and let another pro- 
cession, bearing banners, devices, sym- 
bols and emblems of a like character to 
that of 1788, be again formed, and pro- 
ceed from old independence Hall, 
through all the wide streets of the "city 
of brotherly love:" but let it be an 
order and a character in pageantry as 
much higher than its great prototype 
of 1788, as the growth and development 
of the country is now higher and grand- 
er than it was then. Let the same 
"Federal edifice" which still stands, with 
all its stately pillars and majestic 
arches unbroken, even by the shock of 
war, be drawn, not by ten but by thirty- 
eight horses, representing the number 
of the States into whose hands the sov- 
ereign right of local self-government is 
now committed for safe keeping. Let 
the same star-bangled banner, borne 
along with its same symboled language, 
be joyously greeted everywhere with 
sacred pledges all round, that it 
shall ever, as it was intended 
in the beginning, wave in 
triumph only over " the land 
of the free and the home of the brave." 
If it shall be discovered, on the reading 
of the "Book of the Law and the 
records/' that any breach has been 
made on the outer walls of this Federal 
edifice — the temple of our common lib- 
erties — let mutual pledgesbe given, even 
if in tears, by all true friends of the 
Constitution there assembled, from the 
Atlantic to the Pacific, and from the 
lakes of the North to the gulf of the; 
South, that shoulder to shoulder with' 
all the peaceful instrumentalities at 
command — the judiciary and the ballot 
box — they will, in the language of 
Lord Chatham, on a similar occasion, 
stand foremost in this breach to repair or 
perish in it." What true son of the 
patriot sires of 1776 cannot fraternize 
and "shake hands across the late.bloody 



MR. STEPHENS' SPEECH. 



chasm" in a re-union of this kind ? If 
we of the Soutli committed error, eitlier 
iij judgment or policy, in our attempt 
to witlidraw from the Union of our 
Fatliers, was it not the object, as sol- 
emnly avowed by the ablest and most 
earne'st advocates of the measure, _ "to 
quit the Union only to save the princi- 
ples of the Constitution ?" Is the ob- 
ject of preserving these principles less 
dear to us now than then ? Did not 
Georgia, by a unanimous vote of her 
General Assembly, propose to her||sister 
States, during the late war, to adjust 
all matters at issue betv\-een ihem, upon 
the principles announced in the Decla- 
ration of Independence, for the com- 
memoration of which this Centennial 
is to be held ? Are we less devoted to 
these principles now than we were 
then '? 

If th^ gallant soldiery of the North 
committed error, either in judgment or 
policy, in preventing our withdrawal, 
they were doubtless equally conscien- 
tious in believing that the best way to 
preserve the pi'inciples of the Con.stitu- 
tion, and the best interests of all the 
States was to preserve and perpetuate 
the Union. The great object with 
them was to maintain the in- 
tegrity of the country. They 
had no desire to strike a single 
star from the Constitution, but "to jire- 
serve the Union, with all the dignitj^, 
equality and rights of the several States 
unimpaired." This was the solemn 
declaration under which they bore arms. 
Are these principles, therefore, less dear 
to them now than they were then? The 
great cause of the strife being now re- 
moved forever, as an incident rather 
than object of the rc'^ult, wh}% I again 
ask, cannot all true friends of Constitu- 
tutional Liberty in every State cordiallj' 
unite and harmonize in the future for 
the maintenance and preservation, don 
perpetuation of the true princii)les of 
Government set forth in the comman 
Declaration of Independence? Why may 
there not be perfect accord between all 
such at the grand Centennial of next 
year ? Be this as it may, I insist that 
we of the South, lose whatever else we 



may, shalljnever, from any cause what- 
ever, lose or forfeit our full share of the 
glories of the ever-memorable Fourth 
of July, 1776. Times change, and men 
often change with them, but principles 
never. This is eminently a Southern 
day, as clearly appears from that expo- 
sition of the public records just made. 
It is from no feeling of invidious boast- 
ing that this honor is claimed. All the 
Colonies in the great struggle for 
the absolute right of local self- 
govei-nment, which is the seminal 
principal of all our institutions, acted 
well and nobly. But it w'as Virginia 
that made the first call for a Congress of 
the Colonies. It was North Carolina 
that, singly and alone, made the first 
Declaration of Independence. It was 
Virginia that first moved the common 
Declaration in the Congress of Colonies. 
Thomas Jeflerson, a son of Virginia, 
was the author of that common Declar- 
ation. It was the " Old Dominion," 
too, that furnished Washington — whose 
fame fills the world — the Commander- 
in-Chief of the Colonial armies from a 
few days after the battle of Bunker 
Hill to the crowning victory 
of Yorktown. This is only claim- 
ing our own. It detracts nothing 
from the gallantry or patriotism of other 
sections. The period was truly one that 
"tried men's souls," and patriots, war- 
riors and statesmen were found in every 
State, equal to the crisis. But enough. 
I am W'Cary, not of the theme, but 
from physical exhaustion. My object, 
however, has been accomplished. I 
have shown you, at least, how my whole 
soul is enlisted in these centennial cel- 
eV>rations, with a view to awakening 
the remembrance, not only of the names 
of the statesmen and warriors of the 
Revolutionary period, but of the prin- 
ciples for which they strove and fought 
in every State, from New Hampshire to 
Georgia. All honor, then, now and for- 
ever, to the memory of the men who, 
by their deeds in the council chambers 
or on the battle-fields, achieved our in- 
dependence ; and like honor, now and 
forever, to the principles upon which 
that independence was founded. 



V 



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